Essay on Margaret Atwoods The Handmaids Tale - 1419 Words

Margaret Atwoods The Handmaids Tale Love of God replaces love of humanity in Margaret Atwood’s, The Handmaid’s Tale. Offred’s recollections of her past life, especially of her husband, are ones filled with passion and happiness as she remembers his tenderness towards her. Much more emphasis is put on the physical human form in her memories; she often remembers lying with her husband while she wears little or no clothing. Appreciation of the human form is an essential component of loving humanity. Offred remembers the love she felt for her friends with whom she enjoyed spending time and conversing. When her friend is taken away, Offred spends much time mourning the loss of this person from her life. She also longs, throughout the†¦show more content†¦Sex is made into a ritual for two reasons, both of which revolve around worship of God. First it is our duty as humans to continue the existence of our species because God intended us to. Therefore, if people cannot be trusted to procreate inde pendently, reproduction must be government managed. Secondly, sex for any reason other than for reproductive purposes is against God’s will, so the fundamentalist government in the novel eliminates sex that it not government run. For religious reasons, Offred’s mental and physical well being is not viewed as important. To put too much emphasis on an individual is to give them an importance outside the scope of what God intended. As a lieutenant of God on earth, Offred is expected to devote her entire being to God without concern for her own troubles. The government here tries to force on its subjects the ultimate piety, wherein all else is absent from life except for God. Finally, the human form is given little importance here out of respect for God. God intended modesty on the part of human beings, therefore there are regulations on what the women may wear. The loss of basic humanity in favor of piety is the central theme of The Handmaid’s Tale, and it is this theme that I attempted to portray in my collection of images. It took a long time for me to come up with any ideas for my pictures. The first inspiration that struck when I was trying to findShow MoreRelated Margaret Atwoods The Handmaids Tale Essay1246 Words   |  5 PagesMargaret Atwoods The Handmaids Tale In The Handmaids Tale, Margaret Atwood tells a saddening story about a not-to-distant future where toxic chemicals and abuses of the human body have resulted in many men and women alike becoming sterile. The main character, Offred, gives a first person encounter about her subservient life as a handmaid in the Republic of Gilead, a republic formed after a bloody coup against the United States government. She and her fellow handmaids are fertile women thatRead More Margaret Atwoods The Handmaids Tale Essay962 Words   |  4 PagesMargaret Atwoods The Handmaids Tale The Historical Notes are important in the way we perceive the novel as they answer many important questions raised by the novel and also enhance some of the novels main themes. The first question it answers is the one raised at the end of the novel; that is whether Offred is stepping up into the,darkness, or the, light. The reader finds out that Offred escaped Gilead, presumably into Canada, with the help of the,Underground Femaleroad. TheRead MoreEssay on The Dystopia in Margaret Atwoods The Handmaids Tale1098 Words   |  5 PagesThe Dystopia in Margaret Atwoods The Handmaids Tale Offred is a Handmaid in what used to be the United States, now the theocratic Republic of Gilead. In order to create Gileads idea of a more perfect society, they have reverted to taking the Book of Genesis at its word. Women no longer have any privileges; they cannot work, have their own bank accounts, or own anything. The also are not allowed to read or even chose who they want to marry. Women are taught that they should be subservientRead More Representation of Colors in Margaret Atwoods The Handmaids Tale1774 Words   |  8 PagesRepresentation of Colors in Margaret Atwoods The Handmaids Tale Imagine if you can, living in a world that tells you what you are to wear, where to live, as well as your position and value to society. In Margaret Atwoods novel, The Handmaids Tale, she shows us the Republic of Gilead does just that. Offred, the main character, is a Handmaid, whose usefulness is her ovaries. Handmaids are ordered to live in a house with a Commander, his wife, and once a month attempt to become pregnant byRead MoreEssay on Feminism in Margaret Atwoods The Handmaids Tale1096 Words   |  5 PagesFeminism in Margaret Atwoods The Handmaids Tale In The Handmaids Tale, Margaret Atwood explores the role that women play in society and the consequences of a countryà ­s value system. She reveals that values held in the United States are a threat to the livelihood and status of women. As one critic writes, â€Å"the author has concluded that present social trends are dangerous to individual welfare† (Prescott 151).   The novel is set in the near future in Gilead, formerly the U.S., at a time whenRead MoreEssay on Feminist Ideas in Margaret Atwoods The Handmaids Tale1199 Words   |  5 PagesFeminist Ideas in Margaret Atwoods The Handmaids Tale For this essay, we focused strictly on critics reactions to Margaret Atwoods The Handmaids Tale. For the most part, we found two separate opinions about The Handmaids Tale, concerning feminism. One opinion is that it is a feminist novel, and the opposing opinion that it is not. Feminism: A doctrine advocating social, political, and economic rights for women equal to those of men as recorded in Websters Dictionary. This topic is prevalentRead MoreFeminism Lost in Margaret Atwood’s A Handmaid’s Tale Essay1527 Words   |  7 PagesIn Margaret Atwood’s A Handmaid’s Tale, the human spirit has evolved to such a point that it cannot be subdued by complacency. Atwood shows Gilead as an extremist state with strong religious connotations. We see the outcome of the reversal of women’s rights and a totalitarian government which is based on reproduction. Not only is the government oppressive, but we see the female roles support and enable the oppression of ot her female characters. â€Å"This is an open ended text,†¦conscious of the possibilitiesRead MoreEssay Romantic Love in Margaret Atwoods The Handmaids Tale1385 Words   |  6 PagesRomantic Love in Margaret Atwoods The Handmaids Tale In her novel The Handmaids Tale, Margaret Atwood addresses the concept of different expression of romantic love through the eyes of Offred, a woman who has lost almost all her freedom to a repressive, dystopic society. Throughout her struggle against oppression and guilt, Offreds view evolves, and it is through this process that Atwood demonstrates the nature of love as it develops under the most austere of circumstances. The firstRead More Margaret Atwoods The Handmaids Tale: Novel and Film Essay2075 Words   |  9 PagesMargaret Atwoods The Handmaids Tale: Novel and Film The Handmaids Tale, a science-fiction novel written by Margaret Atwood, focuses on womens rights and what could happen to them in the future. This novel was later made into a movie in 1990. As with most cases of books made into movies, there are some similarities and differences between the novel and the film. Overall the film tends to stay on the same track as the book with a few minor details changed, and only two major differences. Read MoreThe Satire of Margaret Atwoods The Handmaids Tale Essay example497 Words   |  2 PagesThe Handmaids Tale has been described as a scathing satire and a dire warning! Which elements of our own society is Margaret atwood satirising and how does her satire work ? Atwood tries to open our eyes by satirising our society with a brilliant contrasting novel. Dystopian in every way, the reader encounters a world in which modern values of our society seem/ are replaceable. Showing the worst of all possible outcomes, she demonstrates that our primarily heartless, just economical thinking

The Rights Of Animal Rights Essay - 1613 Words

that level. Every day, I hear tons of news and tragic stories of animal living in captivity, how they suffered to amuse human, how they live without care in unqualified conditions. Detroit Zoo mentioned in the article â€Å"Detroit Journal; Ripples of Controversy after a Chimp Drowns† was opposed by letting many chimps drown because of the moat they use for chimp exhibit. The other case is Lincoln Park Zoo which was drawing criticism from animal right activists by the dead of nine animals in the short time. Although zoo officials pointed out many excuses to protect themselves, animal right activists argued that inappropriate space and climate change were the main causes of animal deaths. They defended animal died because of being left outside under the cold weather and lacking of space for living. I do not mean to criticize all the zoos, but it is undeniable that many animals are suffering in captivity. According to Ferkenhoff in the article â€Å"In Chicago, Animal Deaths Pu t Spotlight on Zoo,† $200 million has been investigated over the past decade to develop living conditions of animals in The Lincoln Park Zoo; however, animals were still found death because of insufficient space. If the zoos cared more for animals instead of focusing on their economic value, their life would be much better. Besides, many zoo officers argue that the zoos are an important means of revenue for wildlife conservation. One of their most efforts to protect animals is the breeding and reproductionShow MoreRelatedAnimal Rights And The Rights Of Animals1843 Words   |  8 Pagesthe rights of animals and if they think and feel like humans do. Many people see animals as mindless creatures or as food, while others think they have emotions and can feel pain. In other countries animal protection laws are in place that are strictly enforced and seem to work well with the system. In the United States however; some of the animal rights laws are considered to be useless and und er-enforced (Animal Legal Historical Center). More people today are beginning to see that animals shouldRead MoreHuman Rights : Animal Rights Essay1490 Words   |  6 Pages Animal Rights Name Institutional Affiliation â€Æ' Animal Rights Animal rights as well as animal welfare are different concepts that identify variant points in a continuum that extends from the exploitation of animals to the animal liberation. Animal rights can be perceived as the belief in the fact that humans have no right to take advantage of animals for their gains, in the farms, labs entertainment orRead MoreAnimal Rights And Human Rights923 Words   |  4 Pages Animal Rights â€Å"Nearly as many, 68 percent, were concerned or very concerned about the well-being of animals used in ‘sports’ or contests as well as animals in laboratories (67 percent) (Kretzer, 1).† Many people question whether an animal is capable of thought and emotions. Others feel as though animals are the equivalent of humans and should be treated as such. Since the 1800’s, animal rights has been a topic that has several different sides including two extremes. If animals can react to theirRead MoreAnimal rights1084 Words   |  5 Pagesâ€Å"Animals with rights must be treated as ends in themselves, they should not be treated by others as means to achieve their ends.† (Francione) An idea opposing to Immanuel Kant’s beliefs. Animals are apart of the moral community, their intrinsic worth justifies this, and causes for certain rights to be established to uphold their worth within the community. To not respect the welfare of nonhuman animals, and to provide special treatment for humans, goes against Peter Singer’s ideas for a harmoniousRead MoreAnimal Rights And The Rights Movement Essay1035 Words   |  5 Pagessacrifice lives in order to protect the welfare of animals? Is the human race ready to justify trading human lives for animal lives? Even though we should make every effort ensure that animals are not wantonly harmed in research, animals certainly do not have the same rights as humans do. Many animal rights activists condemn research on animals, citing that it is inhumane. But prohibiting research on animals would be even more inhumane. Research on animals has eradicated many diseases and saved the livesRead MoreAnimal Rights And Human Rights1627 Words   |  7 Pages Animal rights is a very controversial topic in today’s world. This controversy began back in 1975 when Peter Singer’s novel Animal Liberation was published. In the book, Singer explains the issues we still face at the top of animal protectionism today. Although Singer and his theories enlightened a lot of people of animal protectionism, he actually did not start the animal rights debate. People started questioning the status of animals all the way back to ancient Greece. Some people in these timesRead MoreAnimal Rights And Human Rights1808 Words   |  8 PagesThe idea that animals have rights seems to be heavily agreed on by a large majority of scholars whom have studied this topic. However, what comes into question is understanding the severity and range of these rights. How do we determine the level of animal rights? How do we understand animal rights in relation to human rights? This paper aims to address these questions by showing that animals have the basic righ ts to live a life without harm, but cannot have equal rights to humans because of ourRead MoreAnimal Rights And Human Rights1857 Words   |  8 PagesWhether we think about it or not, our views on animal rights affect the choices we make every day from the foods we eat, the clothes we wear, the products we use on our skin, the medicine we take, and even the pets we may or may not keep in our home. Each of these choices hinge on our views of animal rights. Although animal rights are not a new issue we are facing here in the U.S., recent events have brought them back into the foreground. News stories like the slaying of Cecil the lion, and HarambeRead MoreAnimal Rights And The Right Action1305 Words   |  6 Pages Billions of animals are killed by human beings each year. Most of these animals live in filthy, unfavorable conditions and undergo painful procedures before being slaughtered for food or other purposes. The way that these animals are treated would never be considere d ethical when applied to humans, even though animals and humans have much in common. Humans should not kill or harm animals purposefully, just as they should not purposefully harm other humans. Based on the theory of utilitarianism-Read MoreAnimal Rights : Animal Cruelty Essay1520 Words   |  7 PagesAnimal Rights Animal rights, the rights believed to belong to animals to live free from use in medical research, hunting, and other services to humans. Animal Cruelty is the human infliction of suffering or harm upon any non-human animal, for purposes other than self-defense or survival.   Ã‚  Animal Cruelty exists and it should not. Animals feel pain and fear like we do, but they are helpless.They can’t tell us that it hurts, they can’t communicate their pain because we do not speak their language

Shooting an Elephant Free Essays

George Charalambous 03/05/2013 English 1030 Research Paper † If it were necessary to give the briefest possible definition of imperialism, we should have to say that imperialism is the monopoly stage of capitalism now† according to Vladimir Lenin. George Orwell immediately begins the essay †Shooting an Elephant† by claiming his perspective on British Imperialism, and how this imperialism affected himself, his empire, and the Burma people. Though George Orwell is a British officer himself at the time in Burma , he claims that he is fully against the oppressors , who at the time are the British. We will write a custom essay sample on Shooting an Elephant or any similar topic only for you Order Now His personal experience, that he writes about with the elephant is metaphorical to imperialism and how he views the social issue. The author is the protagonist of the story and he shows the feelings toward the British Imperialism and Britain’s justification for their actions in taking over Burma. Nowadays imperialism, transformed to capitalism and a lot of the characteristics are the same. Firstly, if we take a look to George Orwell’s life he was born in 1903 in Bengal, in the British Colony of India, where his dad was working. His mother though was the one that brought him to England at the age of one. While he was in primary school, and other greater levels his teachers made clear that he was disliked by some of them. He joined the imperial police in India, Burma after finishing his studies at Eton, without any prospect of getting a college degree because his family was insufficient to pay his tuition. He went back to England in 1928 having grown hating imperialism as shown by his first novel † Burmese Days â€Å". Orwell and his family lived poor for many years even sometimes he was homeless. He began working in BBC Eastern service after the end of world war two. His job there was to shape propaganda and wrote that he felt bad for working there but he did it only to survive. He was working mostly in programs to gain Indian support for Britain’s war efforts. Despite the good pay from BBC he did not like what they were supporting and he resigned in 1943. Orwell was well known during most of his career for his journalism, both in books and British press. In his own words, he characterize himself as a democratic socialist, and he was strongly against fascism, imperialism and dictators. George Orwell is a creative and competent writer, and he is a man that has a lot to teach and say about the world around him and around the world through his writings. He is such a writer. To begin with Orwell is the protagonist of â€Å"Shooting an Elephant†. The author himself is saying that he is uneducated and young , at that particular time. From that saying, we realize that he did not really experienced life or the world. He believed though that English people should not supply their ideas of life on other people through violence. In the job he was doing he got to see all the dirty work of what his country was doing and what they were in charge of. That was something that really scarred him which he clearly shows in his 1984 last novel. You can see some of that resentment towards big imperialistic governments played out in almost all of his novel. George Orwell opinion when he is in the military and can see clearly the UK imperialistic strategies to rule other countries. His argument was that England military should not even be in India by that time. United Kingdom government was saying that, what they were trying to do, was to develop better living standards for everyone but Orwell did not believe that, that was the cause. In this particular essay † Shooting an Elephant â€Å", as I said previously , is the protagonist. The main incident of the story is when Orwell has to kill the elephant. He talks about his experience as a young British colonial policeman working in Burma in the 1920’s. Orwell’s is called out to do something about a tame elephant He clearly says in the story that he did not want to kill the animal. In his mind, he just wanted to get close to the elephant but if it does not charge him or show aggression maybe he could just go away and everybody will be fine with it. But he realizes that the moment he started heading towards the elephant with his rifle, everybody from the crowd, start getting excited to see it dead. Those people in the crowd might want a show of entertainment, like something big get shot. On the other hand maybe they just wante the food because in the end of â€Å"Shooting an Elephant† it says that after they kill it, they stripped it’s bones in eight pieces and they tok the meat.. Maybe though they just wanted the ivory. After he shots, people would fight to get first the ivory. Everybody had a different motivation and that is what made it hard for him to walk away at this point. He knew he was committed to shoot the elephant even though he did not want to do it. He did not want to be laugh at. People expected on him to do it and he had to do it. All these people were following him while he was going int this life experience for him. In Orwell’s mind, he was the policeman , so he was in charge. He should be able to do whatever he wants reason obviously. Instead the people and the government were pushing their will upon him and forcing him to do something that he does not want toand that seems like a contradiction to me. He really does not have the freedom to do what truly he wants to do in this situation because of England and what they put him in. One of the senses that I got from â€Å"Shooting an Elephant† was his inside struggle and thinking before and after the shooting. It was a mental struggle for Orwell back-and-fronth. When he finally shoot the elephant, it does not die. He shoot him again and again even in his mouth which is the most sensitive spot of an elephant, but still the animal do not die. It took thirty minutes for the elephant to die. The fact that the elephant had to struggle made the author to suffer more after his unwilling action. The elephant start bleeding and dying in a pain that could not even get up anymore, From the last lines of the story Orwell is focusing on the societal hierarchy and structure. This societal structure was influenced by the English colonialism and how things were run in England. They influenced Burnese people the same way and how they perceived other people. Through the last lines the author points out again how ridiculous was what he was about to do and that the ultimate reason that he did it is because he did not want to get laughed at. We can obviously see the pain and anger towards England oppression. The background of George Orwell, and ultimate points of his biography, will help to understand a lot more about this essay â€Å"Shooting an Elephant†. The story itself is enlightening but you can miss a lot of the important elements of this assessing. Orwell is most famous for writing â€Å"1984†. In â€Å"1984† he pictures a future world fully controlled by television cameras, â€Å"the big brother†. He lived two lives. First life in Burma as a police officer and second when he goes back to England. His second life , is the life of a writer. In England he wrote â€Å"1984† , and a collection of essays, which â€Å"Shooting an Elephant† is one of those essays. In â€Å"Shooting an Elephant† he uses a lot two words, imperialism and colonialism. Basically colonialism is when a country shows up in another country and says † you are too stupid to run your own country, so we are going to run it for you † . Imperialism is the intent to try to control another country and ostensibly began to think of it as your own. American and English governments have those tensions the last hundrend years. In my opinion , what Orwell was trying to point out is that governments do not use colonialism for active humanitarianism , but the real reason why people show up in another country and colonialize it is for money and power. Extract large amounts of resources , sometimes out of the ground and sometimes physical bodies, like in 1940’s for slavery. The question is why English people where in Burma? The British were all over South Africa and a big part of Asia that period. Gandhi was against the English colonialism and we can see that from a part of his work. He tried to say to British † it is time for you to leave†. That is important to understand in â€Å"Shooting an Elephant†. George Orwell is writing to speak ironically about the experience he had. Orwell was looking back on it and wanted to share it with everyone, to show why imperialism is bad for societies. That is the reason he wrote â€Å"Shooting an Elephant†. Again what is really important in this story is Orwell’s great fear to get laughed at. This is the moment in the story when Orwell finally is able to kind of decpnstruct the mythology of imperialismand he talks about what is one thing that cannot happen if you are the person in charge. He points out who really has the power in imperialism, even if the elephant was not causing danger to anyone, and even if he was the police officer. The peer pressure from the people is coming out of the fear of their government. People with power will always face peer pressure and do something that they did not want to do like George Orwell in this particular situation. Sometimes the people in charge do not have the real power but they work only from peer pressure. In conclusion, for me in a world that is constantly trying to make you something different and something you do not want to be , is a great accomplishment to be yourself. The way in which George Orwell operated is as a dramatic and moving allegory of the imperialistic experience. The author actually discusses the shooting of the elephant, pointing out in a horrific detail the painful and slow death of a peaceful elephant by a British officer. This essay actually captures the violent reality of imperialism and colonialization. The life of an imperial police officer would be really hard. Orwell was brave enough to confess this experience and dilemmas when other people just accept it and become a part of it. CITATIONS: Lucideyproduction, . â€Å"Imperialism in the 20th Century. xomba. (2006): 1. Web. 12 Mar. 2013. http://lucideyeproduction. xomba. com/imperialism_in_the_20th_century. Lenin, Vladimir. â€Å"imperialism quotes. † Brainy Quote. (1982): 1. Web. 12 Mar. 2013. http://www. brainyquote. com/quotes/keywords/imperialism. html. Porter, Bernard. â€Å"British and American Imperialism’s Compared . † History New Network. (2006): 11. Web. 12 Mar. 2013. http://hnn. us/articles/27021. html Readings, Lit. â€Å"Shooting An Elephant by George Orwell. † Youtube. (2013): 1. Web. 12 Mar. 2013. http://www. youtube. com/watch? v=6fyjO5M1Kvk. . How to cite Shooting an Elephant, Papers Shooting an Elephant Free Essays The narrator does not necessarily lie the locals in lower Burma but he was sent their to police them. The reason why he does not like the locals too much is because they hate him with a passion. The narrator is put in a position in which he greatly dislikes. We will write a custom essay sample on Shooting an Elephant or any similar topic only for you Order Now He was sent there by the British government as to help imperialize the country. He does not like imperialism, which in turn makes him hate his job. His mind favors with the locals when the subject is imperialism, that it is taking advantage of a group of people to an extreme extent. The reason why the narrator can not sympathize with the native indians is because he is seen by them to be working with imperial Britain, which he is, but does not want to do so. The native taunt and laugh at him because the sense no real fear from him. The narrator eventually shoots the elephant because he feels that he is pressured to do so. He did not want to shoot the elephant but he had a crowd of over two thousand local indians waiting to see him shoot the elephant that had terrorized the local town. He feels that is wrong to kill a large animal because they are like â€Å"huge costly pieces of machinery†. Killing it would be throwing the owners money away. The confession that the narrator states in the end does not surprise me one bit. I did not even view it as a confession. He did what he had to in the situation that was given. He did not want to kill the elephant but he was basically forced to do so. The narrator was looking for a reasonable answer for firing the elephant gun for his own sanity. The thesis of â€Å"shooting an elephant† is in its name. Shooting an elephant is an analogy for imperialism. One smaller country taking down a bigger yet weaker country only for its resources or to make a buck. This essay also shows that imperialism affects the oppressed as well as the oppressor. Because of imperialisms immoral relationship of power, it compels the oppressor to act immorally to keep up the appearance that he is right. The most memorable image throughout the entire essay is right before the narrator realizes that he has no choice but to shoot the elephant. He sees the elephant tearing up grass from the earth, shaking off the dirt by hitting the grass against his knees, and eating it. The elephant is finally peaceful before he is shot down. How to cite Shooting an Elephant, Essay examples

Micro/Macro Sociology free essay sample

The term macro denotes large; thus macrosociology refers to the study of large-scale social phenomena. This covers a very broad range of topics that includes groups and collectivities of varying sizes, the major organizations and institutions of one or more societies, cross-sectional or historical studies of a single society, and both comparative and historical analyses of multiple societies. At the grandest level it may cover all human society and history. Sociologists distinguish macrosociology from microsociology, which focuses on the social activities of individuals and small groups. The micro-macro distinction forms one of the central dualisms characterizing divergent sociological perspectives. Seemingly polar opposites such as conflict-consensus, stability-change, structure-agency, subjectiveobjective, and materialist-idealist, as well as micro-macro, provide a shorthand method for denoting differences in central assumptions, subjects, and models. As with many other oppositional concepts, however, the boundary between microsociology and macrosociology is not clearly distinguished, and at the margins there is much room for overlap. Typically, micro-level studies examine individual thought, action, and interaction, often coinciding with social-psychological theories and models, whereas macro-level investigations target social structures and those forces that organize as well as divide individuals into political, social or religious organizations, ethnic populations, communities, and nation-states. Nevertheless, in defining these terms there is major conceptual ambiguity that can be formulated as a question: Should the distinction be based on substantive criteria (specialty and subdisciplinary areas within sociology such as social change and development), theoretical criteria (e. g. , functionalist, Marxist), metatheoretical criteria (type of paradigm, epistemology), or methodological criteria (type of research design and analysis techniques)? Since sociologists often use the terms micro and macro quite casually as convenient devices for categorizing broad areas of theory and research, each of these criteria can be found in the literature, and quite often they are seriously confounded. A useful means of distinguishing between the two approaches is based on the concept of units of analysis. Macrosociology uses as its subjects structural-level units of analysis or cases that are larger than observations of individual action and interaction. Even here, however, there is ambiguity, since it is quite possible to make observations on smaller units (e. g. , individuals) with the intention of analyzing (making inferences about) larger entities (e. g. , groups, classes). Also, the issue of where to draw the line remains. Rather than attempting to draw any hard-and-fast line delineating macro-level from micro-level phenomena, it is helpful to conceptualize a continuum of the subject matter of sociology with micro and macro defining two end points and with societal-level phenomena clearly placed at the macro pole. George Ritzer, for example, describes one level of social reality as a micro-macro continuum moving from individual thought and action through interaction, groups, organizations, and societies to culminate in world systems (Ritzer 1988, pp. 512-518). Since the macro end of the continuum focuses on social structure, it is important to clarify the use of this term. In a review essay, Neil Smelser (1988, pp. 103-129) describes structure as patterned relationships that emerge from the interaction of individuals or groups over time and space. Institutions and identifiable collectivities are the outcomes of systematically related structures of activities. Structure is dually defined as located in collective actors and in their interaction. Thus social class is an example of social structure, as are the relationships between classes whose locus is the economy. The study of social class and the study of the economy are examples of macrosociology. Other examples emerge from the macrosociological focus on large-scale structural arrangements and activities of a great number of individuals in large-scale geographical space over long periods of time. Thus macroscopic questions in sociology conventionally revolve around the largest social, spatial, and temporal processes, such as the rise and decline of civilizations; the origins and development of modern nation-states, social movements, and revolutions; and the origins and consequences of social, political, economic, and cultural transformations. Examples include the rise and spread of secular ideologies and religious belief systems, democratic transitions, and the nature and effects of large-scale institutions and organizations. Macro-level analysis is usually embedded in structural and conflict theories, and in studies of societal dynamics and epochal transformations of cultures and social structures. Topics are located within numerous subfields of sociology, including but not limited to stratification and inequality, resource mobilization, political and economic sociology, world systems, human evolution, and ecology. They are equally likely to cross or link disciplinary boundaries to incorporate history, geography, political economy, and anthropology. Historical Background The concern with macro-level phenomena is as old as the discipline of sociology and arguably is the primary motivation for the creation of classical sociological theory and research. The men generally accorded honored places in the pantheon of sociologys founders, such as Auguste Comte, Herbert Spencer, Karl Marx, Emile Durkheim, and Max Weber (and additional historical figures such as Alexis de Tocqueville), all included macro-level phenomena among their dominant concerns. The traditions they established retain their definitive role for the central issues of sociology in general and macrosociology in particular. The themes pursued by these and other classical theorists are found in subsequent theory and research. For example, the evolutionary perspectives on the development of human society advanced by early theorists have been modified, revised, and developed by contemporary evolutionary theorists such as Lenski (Lenski et al. 995) and in the modern functionalist and neo-functionalist theories of Talcott Parsons (1966), Niklas Luhmann (1982), and Jeffrey Alexander (1998). Marxs historical materialist explanation of the unfolding of capitalism has spawned numerous offspring, including dependency and world system theories (Amin 1976; Frank 1967; Wallerstein 1974), and studies of the rise of the modern state and class conflict by Moore (1966). Similarly, Webers comparative and historical studies of social stratification and the development of modern states are reflected in the works of Reinhard Bendix (1977; 1978), Theda Skocpol (1979) and Michael Mann (1986; 1993) Emile Durkheims analysis of the division of labor in modern societies as well as the sources of societal integration underlie all modernization theory and functional perspectives on race and ethnic relations, as well as most contemporary studies of occupational structures. Alexis de Tocquevilles comparative study of democracy has remained an inspirational source for contemporary theories of democracy and social change. In short, the macrosociological problems defined early in the history of sociology remain major focuses of current sociological research. Also located in these early works but often overlooked in subsequent interpretations is an issue that is the current central project of many social theorists: the links between macro- and micro-level phenomena. At least in the writings of Marx, Weber, and Durkheim, to a greater or lesser degree, efforts are made to connect individual and structural level activities in some coherent fashion. For example, Marx is often considered the quintessential macrosociologist, providing the foundation for much current macrosociology. Yet as Bertell Ollman (1976) and others point out, there is a distinct social psychology anchored in Marxs concept of alienation that in turn motivates and is motivated by his macro-level modes of productive relations and class conflict. This concern with linkage has often been ignored or forgotten in the distinctive development of different schools of sociological thought. After years of separate development and sometimes acrimonious debate, efforts to conduct research and develop social theories that include both ends of the micro-macro continuum now constitute a major agenda for many sociologists. Themes in Macrosociological Theory and Research Macrosociogical studies vary in both subject and theoretical orientation, but the two are closely related. For example, large-scale studies of single total societies or particular societal institutions often operate from a functionalist or systems perspective in which the effort is to understand how component parts fit together and serve larger social goals. On the other hand, studies of social change, either within a single society or across cultures, more often use one of the many variants of conflictMarxist, neo-Marxist, and Weberian perspectives. They do so because such theories are better equipped to explain conflict and change than the relatively static models promoted by functionalism, and because functionalism no longer dominates sociology. These are broad generalizations, however, which invite counterexample. Given the sweeping scope of macrosociology, it is not possible to provide comprehensive coverage of all the topics and theories subsumed under this approach. The next section will illustrate key concerns of macrosociologists by describing exemplary theory and research in some major areas of macrosociology. Societal Evolutionary Change. The numerous approaches to the study of societal change illustrate the diversity of sociological perspectives. At the most sweeping level, evolutionary theories take all human history and society as their subject, but there are numerous variants to this approach. For example, evolutionary theory has gone hand in hand with functionalism, as in the later work of Talcott Parsons on human societies (1966), which features the basic assumptions of evolutionary theory in terms of holism (the whole unit rather than its parts), universalism (natural and perpetual change), and unidirectionality (progressive and cumulative change). An idealist version of an evolutionary perspective can be found in Jurgen Habermas (1979), who uses an evolutionary model to explain the development of normative structures and forms of rationality. Alternatively, it has also taken a materialist form, as developed by anthropologists (Harris 1977) and a few sociologists (Lenski, 1966, Lenski et al. 1995), to explain inequality and uneven distribution of social resources. Another version of societal evolutionary change that deviates somewhat from the mainstream of progressive evolution are the cyclical dynamics of societal and cultural change proposed in works of Pitirim Sorokin (1962). Evolutionary analysis also was once popular in the fields of human ecology (Hawley 1971), modernization (Smelser 1964), and structural and cultural assimilation of different racial groups in modern society (Gordon 1964). Currently, there are relatively few sociologists who operate on this scale or who find it useful for analyzing more confined periods of historical change. Nevertheless, contemporary theories of human evolution have been influential in providing comparative evidence for the material and normative bases of different forms of social organization and for describing the broadest patterns of societal change. These include the distribution of societal goods and services, enduring forms of inequality (e. g. , patriarchy), and normative systems. Modernization and Development. Sociologists often limit their study of change to the emergence of modern industrial society, either to trace the paths taken by mature industrialized societies to reach their current state of development or to investigate the problems of developing nations. Here, too, different approaches emerge from different theoretical perspectives. Modernization theory, which until the 1960s dominated accounts of development and change, grew out of functionalism and evolutionary perspectives. In the version articulated by economist W. W. Rostow (1960), nonindustrial societies, through diffusion and a natural developmental sequence, were expected to follow a series of stages previously traversed by fully industrialized nations to attain the significant characteristics of modern societies considered prerequisites for development. This process required breaking from traditional social norms and values to build institutions based on modern values such as universalism, rationalization, and achievement orientation. Although today largely abandoned in favor of more historically and materially grounded theories, modernization theory was highly influential among both scholars and policy makers of the post-World War II era. In fact, it can be argued that the influence of modernization theory in part explains its repudiation, since students of and from emerging developing nations viewed it as an instrument of continued colonial domination and capitalist exploitation. Their search for tools to provide a better explanation for their disadvantaged and subordinate position in the international arena led to the adoption of Marxist-based models of dependency, underdevelopment, and world systems to replace modernization as the dominant approach to change and development within the modern era. As summarized by Peter Evans and John Stephens (1988, p. 740), these approaches turned the modernization theorists emphasis on diffusion . . . n its head, arguing instead that ties to core countries were a principal impediment to development. In an influential early formulation, dependency theorist Andre Gunder Frank (1967) maintained that the experience of most nonindustrial nations is explained by the development of underdevelopment. In other words, the exploitation of peripheral Third World nations by capital in the core, developed world increased the economic, social, and political misery experienced by the majority populations of those Third World countries. Alliances between local and international elites actively worked to defend the status quo distribution of power and privilege at the expense of peasant- and working-class majorities. Later versions refined the models of class conflict and competition or, as in the writings of Samir Amin (1976), elaborated the model of the relationships between center and periphery economies to show how underdevelopment grows out of the exploitive links between the two types of systems. All versions contribute to a refutation of the trajectory of development described by modernization theory. A more global approach to development issues was formulated by Immanuel Wallerstein (1974, 1980, 1988) and his followers. World system theory elaborates the Marxist model of economic domination into a system in which exploitation occurs worldwide. Wallerstein broadens the focus on class relations among and across nations to examine the development of an international division of labor in the capitalist world economy where core industrial nations exploit peripheral regions as sources of raw materials and labor. This approach has been both enormously influential and controversial, generating massive amounts of research on the model itself, particular spatial and historical portions of the world system, and particular subsectors and groups. A helpful overview that charts the intricacies of this perspective can be found in a text by Thomas Shannon (1989). The emphasis on First World as well as Third World development found in world-system theory provides a bridge to a slightly different tradition that focuses on the emergence of the core industrial nations and their political systems. Much of this literature is concerned with development of modern political as well as economic systems. For example, while Barrington Moores study (1966) of the transformation of agrarian societies into modern industrial states remains firmly anchored in a Marxist emphasis on class relations and productive systems, it is also concerned with the political roles played by antagonistic classes and the political outcomes of their confrontation. Numerous other studies pursue a similar comparative perspective on the upheavals that accompanied the emergence of modern Western industrial nations (cf. Tilly et al. 1975). One other type of study in this tradition deserves mention. These are studies of social and political change that occur within a particular society at various stages in the industrialization process. John Walton (1987) provides a convenient typology based on cross-classifying epochs and processes of industrialization. The resulting types range from protoindustrialization through deindustrialzation. Studies from early periods focus on the emergence of particular classes, on class conflict, and on the influence of classes on the historical development of modern nations, as in E. P. Thompsons and John Fosters influential accounts of English class formation (Thompson 1963; Foster 1974), Ron Aminzades analysis of nineteenth-century France (1984), and Herbert Gutmans studies of American class culture and conflict (1966). Influential studies of transitions in later periods of industrial development examine the consolidation of control of the labor process (Burawoy 1979; Edwards 1979), deindustrialization (Bluestone and Harrison 1982), informalization of labor markets (Portes et al. 989), and post-Fordist production systems (Mingione 1991). Finally, while beyond the scope of this review, there are also other important traditions that have strong links to one or the other approaches described above. One of these is found in a vast literature on social movements that has many points of intersection with the work on comparative and historical social and political change discussed here. Another is work that applies the theories of dependency and uneven development to regional development problems internal to particular societies. Finally, there are structural and poststructural approaches to the development of major social institutions and forms of repression, as found in the complex but influential work of Michel Foucault (1979, 1980, 1985). While this last example could as easily be classified under studies of social institutions and processes, it is included here because of its focus on changes in historical times that have produced modern social forms. State Formation and State Breakdown. The study of state formation and state breakdown has always been a central focus of macrosocial inquiry, especially in the area of comparative historical sociology. Studies of state formation examine the nature of state power and the processes by which it develops. While some sociologists have seen the state as emerging from internal dynamics of society, largely in terms of the interests and struggles of social classes, others have turned their attention to the external dynamics of society along with the market forces of the capitalist system. Tilly (1975, 1990) demonstrates that the modern states were created in the process of capital concentration and consolidated under the pressure of increased international military competition (war and preparation for war). Michael Mann (1986, 1993) examines the nature of power in human societies by focusing on the interrelations of four principal sources of social powereconomic, ideological, military, and political resourcesand relates them to the rise of city-states, militaristic empires, modern nation-states, and nationalism. Another important theory on the relations between the state and society is Robert Wuthnows (1989) analysis of how conflicts between the state, elites, and cultural entrepreneurs caused the great ideological movements to challenge the status quo in the development of modern society. Contemporary theory of revolution and state breakdown starts with Barrington Moore (1966) who proposed a model of agrarian class politics. Drawing upon both Marxian and Weberian theoretical perspectives, Skocpols (1979) breakthrough analysis introduced the state-centered theoretical paradigm of revolution in her case study of French, Russian, and Chinese revolutions. Treating the state as an autonomous entity, Skocpol argues that the state has its own military and fiscal interests, and that under certain circumstances, state interests necessarily are in deep conflict with the interests of social classes. State breakdown occurs when the state experiences high levels of fiscal crisis induced by strain on resources from both internal elite conflicts and external military pressure. In Skocpols theory, the state thus becomes the central actor and the location of crisis in revolutionary situations. This state-centered theme developed by Skocpol has been further expanded by Goldstone (1991), who uses a structural-demographic approach to indicate that the early modern boom in population led to strain on state resources associated with the taxation system and economic development. Goldstone argues that in a system tied to agricultural output, the agrarian state depends mainly on land taxes for revenue. As growing population places pressure on the agricultural economy, rising grain prices result in inflation that erodes state revenues, leads to higher taxes, and exacerbates elite conflict. Rising prices generate profits for some elites who are quick to take advantage of commercial opportunities, but hurts other elites who are slow to adjust and lag behind in social mobility. Revolution is the ultimate outcome of the states failure to meet its obligations. While Skocpols and Goldstones models emphasize either structural or demographic sources of strain on the state, interest in geopolitical principles and strains became increasingly prominent during the 1980s, inspired by Paul Kennedys analysis (1987) of the rise and fall of great powers. Randall Collinss geopolitical theory (1986, 1995) offers another route to state breakdown. Bringing in the Weberian principle that legitimacy of the governing apparatus at home depends on the states power and prestige abroad, Collinss analysis, given validation by his prediction of the collapse of the Soviet Union, demonstrates that a states geopolitical position has a crucial effect on its ability to mobilize critical resources and manage internal politics. In Collinss model, geopolitical strains result in inability to maintain fiscal health. A state that suffers the geopolitical disadvantage of being surrounded by multiple enemy states experiences logistical overextension and fiscal crisis, and thus tends to decline and disintegrate to the point of revolution and state fragmentation. Social Structures, Processes, and Institutions. The research described above incorporates investigation of many of the major social structures, processes, and institutions that form the core subject matter of sociology. Studying change in economic and political systems requires scrutiny of economies, polities, and other social institutions and their major organizational manifestations and constituencies. However, other theoretical and substantive approaches subsumed under macrosociology either have fallen outside the scope of these large-scale studies of social change and development or are at their periphery. Theoretical perspectives include relatively recent developments such as structural, poststructural, postmodern, and feminist theories. Important substantive areas are defined by cumulating empirical bases of knowledge about power structures; work structures; social stratification and mobility; labor markets; household and family arrangements; and the intersections of race, class, gender, and nationality. While it is impossible to survey each of these areas, the explosive growth of feminist theories to investigate both gender stratification and economic change and development provides a prime example of new influences on macrosociology. Feminist theorists argue that gender analysis must be integrated with class, race, ethnicity, nationality, and other sources of social cleavage, and that analyses that ignore the system of gender relations embedded in society are incomplete. Feminist theories have contributed to macrosociology by demonstrating how theories of social reproduction must be joined to theories of economic production to understand social life fully, thus delineating the ways patriarchy coexists with particular economic and political systems to explain the position of women in society. For example, the subordination of women is predicated on the allocation of tasks that exist outside formal labor markets such as household and reproductive labor and consumption activities as well as labor market work. Heidi Hartmanns early, influential, socialist feminist analysis of the intersection of capitalism and patriarchy (1981) explains womens disadvantaged status in both the labor market and the household in late capitalism as the outcome of an uneasy alliance between the two systems. With increasing demand for womens labor in the second half of the twentieth century, the intersection of the two systems has taken the form of the double and even the triple daythat is, women burdened by responsibility for formal labor market activity; household work; and, frequently, informal work as well. Similar insights from feminist perspectives have informed studies of developing nations and processes of industrialization and globalization. For example, Ester Boserups critique of conventional development theories (1970) demonstrates the pitfalls for development projects resulting from ignoring women, as well as the ways women have been marginalized by development scholars and practitioners. Numerous feminist scholars have built on this and related work, combining it with other theoretical perspectives such as world systems and globalization theories, to expand knowledge of the gendered social consequences of core nation exploitation of the periphery (Ward 1990) and the general pattern of ignoring women in large-scale societal accounting schemes (Beneria 1981). Postcolonial theories and Third World feminism further explore the intersections of race, class, and gender as they influence different populations in the global economy (Alexander and Mohanty 1997) Finally, the historical research of Louise Tilly and Joan Scott (1978), among others, has been important in an understanding of how the shift from household economies to wage labor affected working-class women and their families. Unfortunately, much of this work remains underutilized and unincorporated in the kind of macro-level analyses reviewed in previous sections, representing parallel developments rather than integrated studies of macrosocial processes. Research Methodology of Macrosocial Inquiry In the past decades, research methodology in macrosociology has been widely discussed among sociologists. Both quantitative and qualitative methods are used extensively, often in the same larger study. Virtually any methodological tool available to social science is found in macrosocial analysis, ranging from survey research to hermeneutic inquiry. Quantitative approaches include quantification of documentary and archival data, such as analysis of the lists of grievances, or cahiers de doleances (Markoff 1996); analysis of official socioeconomic, demographic, and political data aggregated for larger geopolitical units such as counties, states, or nations; time series of such data for a single state or nation; and standard survey research techniques interpreted to represent structural and contextual process (Coleman et al. 970). Trend analysis using survey data is one method frequently used by sociologists to establish long-term patterns of change by examining historical change in statistical data. Quantitative methods that use longitudinal designs of panel and cohort analyses to conduct observations at two or more points in time have been extensively employed in the assessment of social change and development at the local, national, and global levels. Historical and comparative methods are featured prominently in macrosociological analysis and have been consistently used by the most prominent classical and contemporary sociologists. This approach develops ideal-typical case studies of large-scale organizations, nations, and civilizations across time and space. Thus, social and cultural differences manifest in temporal processes and contexts are the focal point of macrohistorical studies that, as Skocpol (1984, p. ) summarizes: (1) address processes over time, and take temporal sequences seriously in accounting for outcomes, (2) attend to the interplay of meaningful actions and structural contexts in order to make sense of the unfolding of unintended as well as intended outcomes in individual lives and social transformations, and (3) highlight the particular and varying features of specific kinds of social structures and patterns of change. In the existing literature on macrosociological research, historical and comparative methods, with their focus on case studies devoted to understanding the nature and effects of large-scale structures and fundamental processes of change, have proven to be an effective approach to macrosociological explanations of macrosocial phenomena. While most historical and comparative research still involves qualitative analyses using available documents and records, more and more research attempts to employ both qualitative and quantitative approaches. In advocating moving beyond qualitative and quantitative strategies Charles Ragin (1987) points out that, in macrosociological analysis, there are two basic strategies: the case-oriented strategy and the variable-oriented strategy. The former is very much evidence oriented, while the latter is theory centered. The goals of case-oriented investigation, with its extensive use of ideal types, often are both historically interpretive and causally analytic. Investigators who used case-oriented strategies often want to understand or interpret specific cases because of their intrinsic values (Ragin 1987, p. 5). Work by Bendix (1977, 1978) exemplifies this approach. Unlike the case-oriented strategy, the variable-oriented strategy tests hypotheses derived from theory, often using quantitative techniques such as multivariate statistical analysis. In macrosocial analysis, a typical variable-oriented study examines relationships between general features of social structures conceived as variabl es. Social units, such as nation-states, have structural features which interact in the sense that changes in some features produce changes in other features, which in turn may produce changes in others (Ragin 1987, p. 5). For example, a cross-national study of modernization by Delacroix and Ragin (1978) is a typical example of variable-oriented research, and this approach has remained quite popular in the study of development issues as well as in macro-level studies of organizations. Each of these two strategies has its strengths and weaknesses. The case-oriented research enables investigators to comprehend diversity and address complexity by examining causal processes more directly in historical and comparative context. In variable-oriented research, by contrast, generality is given precedence over complexity when investigators are able to digest large numbers of cases. In some macrosociological studies, scholars combine the two approaches, as in Jeffrey Paiges Agrarian Revolution (1975). The Future of Macrosociology Macroscopic analysis of human society stands as a foundational area of research in sociology, and it is safe to predict that it will continue to grow and expand its scope of inquiry. In an increasingly global economy, marked by shifting boundaries and allegiances, and linked by rapidly advancing communications and information technology, there will be pressing need for explanation and analysis of the major historical and contemporary social movements and upheavals. Events of state formation, transition, and breakdown; revolution and devolution; conflicts based on gender, race, ethnicity, religion, region, and class; global movements of populations; and numerous other large-scale processes that increasingly mark the post-cold war era will provide the raw materials for scholarly and policy relevant analysis. At the same time, in the interests of advancing social theory, sociologists will continue to seek ways to link macroprocesses to microprocesses. One of the perennial debates that surfaces among sociologists is whether macroprocesses or microprocesses have primacy in explaining social life. A variant revolves around the issue of whether microprocesses can be derived from macroprocesses or vice versa. Those who believe that the macro has causal priority risk being labeled structural determinists. Those who think that macrophenomena can be derived from microprocesses are dismissed as reductionists. Quite often an uneasy truce prevails in which practitioners of the two types of sociology go their own ways, with little interaction or mutual influence. Despite pendulum swings that alternately emphasize one approach over the other, there are ongoing efforts to construct theory and conduct research built on genuine principles of micro-macro linkage. These have come form a variety of theoretical traditions and perspectives, including those with both macro and micro foundations. While many of these efforts ultimately result in de facto claims for theoretical primacy of one or the other approach, they nonetheless represent an interesting effort to create uniform and widely applicable sociological theory (Huber 1991). Ultimately, most of the efforts to integrate micro and macro levels reflect the initial concerns of the theorist. For example, Randall Collinss efforts (1998) begin with a microfocus on interaction to derive macrophenomena, while neofunctionalist Jeffrey Alexander (1985) gives primacy to subjective forms of macrophenomena. Perhaps the most highly developed integrative effort is found in Anthony Giddenss theory of structuration (1984) in which social structure is defined as both constraining and enabling human activity, as well as being both internal and external to the actor. The efforts to link microphenomena and macrophenomena are mirrored in a growing body of empirical research. Such work appears to follow Giddenss view of the constraining and enabling nature of social structure for human activity and the need to link structure and action. It appears safe to say that, while macrosociology will always remain a central component of sociological theory and research, increasing effort will be devoted to creating workable models that link it with its micro counterpart. References Alexander, M. Jacqui, and Chandra Talpade Mohanty, eds. 1997 Feminist Genealogies, Colonial Legacies, Democratic Futures. New York and London: Routledge. Alexander, Jeffrey (ed. ) 1985. Neofunctionalism. Beverly Hills, Calif. : Sage. -1998 Neofunctionalism and After. Malden, Mass. : Blackwell. Amin, Samir 1976 Unequal Development: An Essay on the Social Formations of Peripheral Capitalism. New York: Monthly Review Press. Aminzade, Ron 1984 Capitalism Industrialization and Patterns of Industrial Protest: A Comparative Urban Study of Nineteenth-Century France. American Sociological Review 49:437-453. Beneria, Lourdes 1981 Conceptualizing the Labour Force: The Underestimation of Womens Economic Activities. Journal of Development 17:10-28. Bendix, Reinhard 1977 Nation-Building and Citizenship: Studies of Our Changing Social Order. Berkeley: University of California Press. 1978 Kings or People: Power and the Mandate to Rule. Berkeley: University of California Press. Bluestone, Barry, and Bennet Harrison 1982 The Deindustrialization of America: Plant Closings, Community Abandonment, and the Dismantling of Basic Industry. New York: Basic Books. Boserup, Easter 1970 Womens Role in Economic Development. New York: St. Martins Press. Burawoy, Michael 1979 Manufacturing Consent: Cha nges in the Labor Process under Monopoly Capital. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Coleman, James S. , Amitai Etzioni, and John Porter 1970 Macrosociology: Research and Theory. Boston: Allyn and Bacon. Collins, Randall 1986 Future Decline of the Russian Empire. In Randall Collins, ed. , Weberian Sociological Theory. New York: Cambridge University Press. -1995 Prediction in Macrosociological Theory: The Case of the Soviet Collapse. American Journal of Sociology 100: 1552-1593. -1988 The Micro Contribution to Macro Sociology. Sociological Theory 6:242-253. Delacroix, Jacques, and Charles Ragin 1978 Modernizing Institutions, Mobilization, and Third World Development: A Cross-National Study. American Journal of Sociology 84:123-150. Edwards, Richard 1979 Contested Terrain: The Transformation of the Workplace in the Twentieth Century. New York: Basic Books. Evans, Peter, and John Stephens 1988 Development and the World Economy. In Neil Smelser, ed. , Handbook of Sociology. Newbury Park, Calif. : Sage. Foster, John 1974 Class Struggle and the Industrial Revolution: Early Industrial Capitalism in Three English Towns. London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson. Foucault, Michel 1979 Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. New York: Vintage. -1980 The History of Sexuality, Volume 1: An Introduction. New York: Vintage. -1985 The History of Sexuality, Volume 2: The Uses of Pleasure. New York: Pantheon. Frank, Andre Gunder 1967 Capitalism and Underdevelopment in Latin America. New York: Monthly Review Press. Giddens, Anthony 1984 The Constitution of Society: Outline of the Theory of Structuration. Berkeley: University of California Press. Goldstone, Jack A. 1991 Revolution and Rebellion in the Early Modern World. Berkeley: University of California Press. Gordon, Milton 1964 Assimilation in American Life: The Role of Race, Religion, and National Origins. New York: Oxford University Press. Gutman, Herbert G. (1966) 1977 Work, Culture, and Society in Industrializing America. New York: Vintage Books. Habermas, Jurgen 1979 Communication and the Evolution of Society. Boston: Beacon Press. Harris, Marvin 1977 Cannibals and Kings: The Origins of Cultures. New York: Random House. Hartmann, Heidi 1981 The Family as the Locus of Gender, Class, and Political Struggle: The Example of Housework. Signs 6:366-394. Hawley, Amos H. 1971 Urban Society: An Ecological Approach. New York: Wiley. Huber, Joan (ed. ) 1991 Macro-Micro Linkages in Sociology. Newbury Park, Calif. : Sage. Kennedy, Paul 1987 The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers: Economic Change and Military Conflict from 1500 to 2000. New York: Random House. Lenski, Gerhard 1966 Power and Privilege. New York: McGraw-Hill. Lenski, Gerhard, Patrick Nolan, and Jean Lenski 1995 Human Societies, 7th ed. New York: McGraw-Hill. Mann, Michael 1986 The Sources of Social Power, Vol. 1: A History of Power from the Beginning to A. D. 1760. New York: Cambridge University Press. -1993 The Sources of Social Power, Vol. 2: The Rise of Classes and Nation-States, 1760-1914. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Luhmann, Niklas 1982 The Differentiation of Society (trans. S. Holmes and C. Larmore). New York: Columbia University Press. Markoff, John 1996 The Abolition of Feudalism: Peasants, Lords and Legislators in the French Revolution. University Park: Pennsylvania State University. Mingione, Enzo 1991 Fragmented Societies: A Sociology of Economic Life beyond the Market Paradigm (trans. Paul Goodrick). Oxford: Basil Blackwell. Moore, Barrington, Jr. 1966 Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Lord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World. Boston: Beacon Press. Ollman, Bertell 1976 Alienation, 2nd ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Paige, Jeffrey 1975 Agrarian Revolution: Social Movements and Export Agriculture in the Underdeveloped World. New York: Free Press. Parsons, Talcott 1966 Societies: Evolutionary and Comparative Perspectives. Englewood Cliffs, N. J. : Prentice-Hall. Portes, Alejandro, Manuel Castells, and Lauren Benton, eds. 1989 The Informal Economy: Studies in Advanced and Less Developed Countries. Baltimore, Md. : Johns Hopkins University Press. Ragin, Charles C. 987 The Comparative Method: Moving beyond Qualitative and Quantitative Strategies. Berkeley: University of California Press. Ritzer, George 1988 Sociological Theory, 2nd ed. New York: Knopf. Rostow, W. W. 1960 The Stages of Economic Growth. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 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The Island Armin Greder Essay Example

The Island Armin Greder Essay Armin Greder’s picture book The Island is a powerful allegory that depicts fear of strangers and ignorance which satirises the majority’s exclusion from the unknown and highlights the importance relationships and communicates acceptance. The barriers which prevent acceptance are demonstrated in The Island widely through the differences of appearance. The islanders do not accept the protagonist’s dissimilarities and his ostracism is shown through the first double page. A small, vulnerable man stands naked and ultimately exposes his vulnerability and whose confused expression signifies disconnection to the environment. The simplistic art shows how lonely the stranger is and the emphasis on the white proposes emptiness. This is juxtaposed with the satirical image on the next page, giving a sense of caricature of robust, homogenous, judging, threatening men that expose their enormity and conformity in a primitive society. The irony of farming tools being used as weapons instead of taking care of the land shows how xenophobic these people are and highlights the individual’s helplessness and the strength the pursuers have massed against him due to the fact that he is different. Essentially, seeing the satirical and mocking contrast of the two images we are able to see that difference cannot be accepted into an ignorant, homogenous culture. The consequence of being in a bland society and having the security of being in a group is that it can affect a person and may obscure their personal opinions. Specifically when the fisherman spoke up and â€Å"some people agreed with the fisherman but the others were louder†. This demonstrates the voicelessness and defencelessness in our society and shows how social repression can create a context where those who are different are demonised, isolated and persecuted. We will write a custom essay sample on The Island Armin Greder specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now We will write a custom essay sample on The Island Armin Greder specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer We will write a custom essay sample on The Island Armin Greder specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer The text highly contrasts with the images in this book and provide a satirical, humorous feeling. â€Å"So they took him in† is juxtaposed with the islanders marching the man away with perilous weapons and we see that the text is saying something positive while the images are negative. The use of â€Å"they† also connotates the conformist civilization, instead of using a specific individual name, the people are defined by a group. The satanic caricature of the priest symbolises the devil and how institutions such as education, family, law and religion all manifest into concordant, alike ways of thinking. This is portrayed when a mother warns her child about the man â€Å"he will come and eat you if you don’t finish your soup! † The allusion of the Big Bad Wolf and threats in family life proves the irony of a primitive society that cannot think for itself. We can see that the community is dismissive to any inimitable opinions and lack of identity is apparent. Consequently, the satire and analogy in The Island makes us see the exclusion of a unique individual which results into intolerance and inconsideration of the other.

That Dark Type is Called Boldface

That Dark Type is Called Boldface That Dark Type is Called Boldface That Dark Type is Called Boldface By Maeve Maddox In comparing style manuals, I came across these instructions: Never underline text. If you need to call attention to certain words, use body copy that is bolded or italic. St Anselm style guide Bolded? We talk about italic type, serif type, and sanserif type. Whats wrong with boldface? Its not as if bolded saves any syllables. Use body copy that is boldface or italic. Apparently bolded is creeping into use: This is a discussion on Compressing bolded type within the Adobe Acrobat forums in Adobe Tools category; Notice the bolded type sandwiched between lighter weight typefaces. a lighter blue that will only be legible if you combine it with a larger font size or at least as in this example a bolded type On the other hand, not everyone has opted for that ugly johnny-come-lately: A single syllable or letter in boldface type in the stems marks the position of the accent throughout this grammar. Use the word â€Å"Abstract† as the title, in 12-point Times, boldface type, centered relative to the column, Authors names in boldface type, subjects or titles in lightface type. Bolded indeed. Want to improve your English in five minutes a day? Get a subscription and start receiving our writing tips and exercises daily! Keep learning! Browse the Expressions category, check our popular posts, or choose a related post below:Fly, Flew, (has) FlownFlied?35 Genres and Other Varieties of FictionWriting Styles (with Examples)

Benefits of Therapy and Christianity

I have found a lot about myself and how to deal with many problems for myself and others. I will learn to become more important in the classroom and the real world. This course helped me overcome worry of concern. When I first entered the class, I was not sure of myself, but I first got to know myself and other things at first by seeing my inner self and the outside self . I am always goal-oriented and I generally know the life I desire. This course will help me understand myself better. Christian counseling is a type of psychotherapy that emphasizes the importance of relationships between humans and God. Christian counseling correctly understands and treats patients using psychology of Christian psychology. Both Christian psychology and Christian counseling can help people to understand themselves psychologically and in the eyes of God. This special form of counseling combines individual's own religious perspectives to create a more personalized form of treatment. Supporters of toda y's most convincing conversion therapy are often institutions that treat fundamental Christian groups and homosexuals with religious grounds rather than as ill. The main organization advocating secular transformation therapy is the National Association for Homosexuality Research and Treatment (NARTH), which often cooperates with religious organizations. Conversion therapy techniques used in the United States and Western Europe before 1981 include treatment of hysterectomy, chemical castration and hormone therapy, treatment of aversion to things such as giving an electric shock to opponents and genitals, nausea Simultaneous administration with drugs causing homologous stimulation and masturbation repair

Drug Control Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Drug Control - Essay Example But even in these new types of programs, the harmful status of marijuana continues to be diminished as it is becomes more commonly recognized among both youths and their parents that marijuana poses at most the no more of physical, psychological and social threat as hard drugs. However, harder drugs such as methamphetamines and cocaine are a different issue and should be viewed as such. All available resources should be used to keep these drugs out of the hands of teenagers, the most vulnerable group because they are easily influenced and suffer a greater potential for lifelong damage. Perhaps a more reasonable approach such as the decimalization of the soft drug marijuana and tighter controls on more dangerous substances should be considered. The teenage years are the time period when people transition from naive children to socially knowledgeable adults. During this part of life, most persons have feelings of insecurity because they are developing at a swift pace both physically an d psychologically. A teens need to belong within a group is powerful during this period and, along with the fact that they do not yet have the decision-making judgment of adults, often leads to bad choices including choosing to use hard drugs. Teenagers are naturally inquisitive, one of the justifications given for this age group experimenting with drugs. They also are inclined to become bored easily and experience recurrent emotional highs and lows, all probable factors in teenage drug use. Hard drug use increases the chance that teenagers will contract a social disease, become pregnant, perform inadequately in school and attempt suicide as this paper will examine. Adolescents are in a more vulnerable life circumstance than are adults because teens are still developing in every facet of their lives. Regrettably, it is this same group that has the most access to drugs as schools have become prolific illegal drug stores. Statistics collected by the National Institute on Drug Abuse de monstrate that schoolchildren have easy access to drugs and alcohol. â€Å"The average age of first alcohol use is 12 and the average age of first drug use is 13. Almost two-thirds of all American young people try illicit drugs before they finish high school† (Anderson, 1996) The relationship between hard drug use among teens and an increased occurrence of sexual activity is a broadly accepted reality by both researchers and the general public. Many studies have time and again demonstrated an association between unsafe sexual behavior and drug use by teenagers. Drug users are more prone to take risks than do teens that don’t use drugs. This may be an obvious assertion but a tendency to take unnecessary chances with their health combined with a lowering of inhibitions while on drugs and the inherent need of all teens to feel accepted by their peer group leads to increased sexual activity. This problematic circumstance also enhances the chance of teens having multiple se xual partners, having sex at an earlier age and decreases the odds that they will utilize contraception than those that do not use marijuana. â€Å"Teens 15 and older who use drugs are five times more likely to have sex than are those teens who do not use drugs and teens who have used drugs are four times more likely to have been pregnant or to have gotten someone pregnant than teens who have never† (The National Center on Addiction and Substance Abuse, 1997). Teenagers are more emotionally unstable younger children and adults

Pallitive care week 7 Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Pallitive care week 7 - Essay Example The BSN nurses are more experienced and learned than the diploma-prepared nurses (Joishy, 1999). Physician-assisted suicide is offered to the patient by a medical health professional as a means of ending the patient’s life. Ethical issues raised include the quality of life, autonomy, and acting on the best interests of the patient. The patient has the right to refuse medical treatment even when the nurse or the physician believes that the treatment is for the best interest of the patient. In such a situation, withholding the treatment of the patient as requested is not assisting the patient to die but rather a show of free-will and dignity towards the patient. The main challenge is the definition of what the patient’s best interests are and the identification of who should be allowed to determine the best interests, and if they can be met by administering a certain treatment or withdrawing it (American Society of Registered Nurses, 2010). American Society of Registered Nurses. (2010). Dilemma for nurses: Physician-assisted suicide. Retrieved from

Human Resources in Riordan Manufacturing Essay Example for Free

Human Resources in Riordan Manufacturing Essay When people think of the responsibilities of a human resources department, they may say they are responsible for the hiring and firing of employees. The truth of the matter is that a human resources management is responsible for much more than just hiring and firing. The human resources management is responsible for hiring qualified people, training employees to do their jobs according to company policies, motivate their employees and be able to support productive employees. Riordan Manufacturing has a good human resources department, which maintains an innovative and team-oriented work environment. Riordan Manufacturing mainly recruits employees outside the company via entry –level positions. There is also an internal job posting for employees to take advantage of new job opportunities. The method Riordan Manufacturing uses to recruit qualified employees is through online advertisements via Monstor.com, local newspapers, employee referrals, temp agencies, and job conferences. The plant in China uses contract workers for engineering, and IT positions. Riordan Manufacturing seeks qualified people for jobs, but the company does not conduct reference test as well as drug testing of potential employees. When concerning training and development, Riordan Manufacturing has a mandatory training program for employees within their 90 days of hire. New employees have to attend orientation on their first day on the job. For production and shipping and quality employees, they have to go through Six Sigma training. New supervisors are required to go through training workshops within 12 months of becoming a supervisor. Such workshops include interviewing guidelines, preventing EEO claims as well as workplace sexual harassment, and finally performance reviews. Riordan Manufacturing also has incentive programs for outstanding employees. There are three types of programs Riordan Manufacturing use to recognize outstanding employees. 1. Outstanding Employee Award 2. Employee Suggestion Program 3. Seniority Awards Riordan Manufacturing HR system Riordan Manufacturing implemented it’s HRIS (Human Resource Information Systems) in 1992. This system manages employee information such as the following: 1. Personal information 2. Pay rate 3. Personal exemptions for tax purposes 4. Hire dates 5. Seniority date 6. Organizational information 7. Vacation hours If an employee has to make any changes to his or her information, he or she has to submit it in writing on a special form. That information is entered later by a payroll clerk. The training and development specialist kept track of training and development records via Excel worksheets. In order for recruiters to maintain applicant’s information, all resumes are filed in a central storage area and are track via an Excel spreadsheet. Riordan Manufacturing employs a third party provider to keep track of workers’ compensation. Individual managers keep track of employee’s files and are also responsible for tacking FMLA absences as well as requests for accommodation. A compensation manager keeps results of job analyses, salary surveys and individual compensation decisions via Excel spreadsheet. Complaints, grievances, harassment complaints, as well as ethical issues are managed and tracked by employee relations specialists. HR Needed Systems Riordan Manufacturing’s current HRIS needs an up-to-date face lift. Instead of having different individuals managing employee’s vital information, Riordan Manufacturing needs to invest in human resources software. Implementing the software would increase the efficiency of their current HRIS. It would ease the burden of keeping track of all the employees’ information. References University of Phoenix (2012). Riordan Manufacturing Virtual Organization. Retrieved from BSA/500 – Business Systems II course website.

Trench Coat Mafia And Society :: essays research papers

The Trench coat Mafia Opinion MANY FACTORS CAUSED OUTBURST OF VIOLENCE There is no single factor that caused the outburst of violence on 20th April 1999, in Littleton, Colorado. Blaming a single factor as the cause of the Columbine High School massacre is as ludicrous as a nation blaming an economic crisis on one person alone. There were many contributing factors that led to this massacre, and with that, an array of warning signs, all of which were ignored by most people. If people were searching for a sole factor to blame, it would be most appropriate to blame the lack of awareness of the Columbine High School community. The killers, Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold, talked about their love of guns openly at school and wrote death poetry during their English classes. Can't anyone see that such behaviour can lead to nothing but darkness? The group Harris and Klebold belonged to, the Trench coat Mafia, told classmates of their plans to carry out a massacre at school, but fellow students jeered and dismissed their comments as empty threats. The preferred attire of the Trench coat Mafia were black trench coats, sunglasses and army berets. This code of dress was designed to stand out from the rest of the students, and to attract attention to them. This was not a wise decision made by the group as it attracted more abuse from students and became clearly recognised as 'misfits'. This worsened the communication gap between the group and other students. The school should have identified this problem and attempt to rectify the situation. The group's alienation from the rest of the school community made most people think that they were outcasts and soon became inferior and the butt of jokes. This proves that bullying cannot be denied a part in the cause of this massacre. Bullying lowered the self-esteem of Harris and Klebold, who eventually resorted to violence, thinking that it would be the solution to their problems. However, If the 'misfits' were not jeered at but were accepted, they would not be misfits, and peaceful co-existence as civilised human beings would have been achieved. 'Seek and ye shall find'; stated Sophocles. Harris and Klebold did accordingly and proved this statement true during their search for weapons. However strict the government make the gun laws, there are always ways for minors to obtain weapons. It would be unfair if all of the blame was laid onto the lack of gun control.

Last Sacrifice Chapter Twenty-eight

I STOPPED BREATHING. WE'D each had our own blankets, but even in the middle of summer, the temperature had dropped during the night. Dimitri, in his sleep, had rolled over against me, merging our blankets into one pile and resting his head on my chest. His body lay against mine, warm and familiar, and he even snuggled a little closer. He was more exhausted than I'd realized if he was doing this in his sleep. After all, this was the guy who slept with one eye open. But his guard was down now, his body unconsciously seeking †¦ what? Simple warmth? Me? Damn it. Why had I asked Sonya my question? Why couldn't I keep going with my easy role as Adrian's girlfriend and Dimitri's friend? Because honestly, I wasn't doing a very good job at either one right now. Tentatively, fearfully, I shifted slightly so that I could put one arm around Dimitri and draw him closer. I knew it was a risk, one that might wake him and break this spell. But it didn't. If anything, he seemed to relax more. Feeling him like that †¦ holding him †¦ it churned up a swarm of emotions within me. The ache I had felt since his loss burned within me. At the same time, holding him like this also seemed to fill that ache, as though a piece of me that had been missing was now restored. I hadn't even realized that piece was missing. I'd blocked it all out until Sonya's words had shaken my fragile new acceptance of life. I don't know how long I stayed like that with Dimitri. It was long enough that the rising sun began to illuminate the tent's translucent fabric. That was all the light my eyes needed to now see Dimitri, to see the finely carved lines of his face and softness of his hair as he lay against me. I wanted so badly to touch that hair, to see if it felt like it used to. That was a silly sentiment, of course. His hair wouldn't have changed. Still †¦ the urge was there, and I finally gave in, gently running my fingers over some stray locks. They were smooth and silky, and that barest touch sent chills through me. It also woke him up. His eyes opened, instantly alert. I expected him to jump away from me, but instead, he only assessed the situation–and didn't move. I left my hand where it was on the side of his face, still stroking his hair. Our gazes locked, so much passing between us. In those moments, I wasn't in a tent with him, on the run from those who regarded us as villains. There was no murderer to catch, no Strigoi trauma to overcome. There was just him and me and the feelings that had burned between us for so long. When he did move, it wasn't to get away. Instead, he lifted his head so that he looked down at me. Only a few inches separated us, and his eyes betrayed him. He wanted to kiss me–and I wanted him to. He leaned over me, one hand resting against my cheek. I readied myself for his lips–I needed them–and then he froze. He pulled back and sat up, exhaling in frustration as he looked away from me. I sat up as well, my breathing rapid and shallow. â€Å"Wh-what's wrong?' I asked. He glanced back at me. â€Å"Pick. There are lots of choices.' I ran a finger along my lips. So close. So, so close. â€Å"I know †¦ I know things have changed. I know you were wrong. I know you can feel love again.' His mask was back up as he formulated his answer. â€Å"This isn't about love.' The last minute replayed in my head, that perfect connection, the way he'd looked at me and made my heart feel. Hell, Sonya claimed we even had some mystical connection. â€Å"If it's not about love, then what is it about?' I exclaimed. â€Å"It's about doing the right thing,' he said quietly. The right thing? Right and wrong had been perennial topics at St. Vladimir's. I wasn't eighteen. He was my teacher. We were slated to be Lissa's guardians and had to give her our full attention. All of those were arguments for why staying apart had been necessary back then. But those had long since fallen by the wayside. I would have questioned him more–if someone hadn't scratched at our door. Both of us sprang up and apart, reaching for the stakes we'd slept near. Grabbing my stake was instinct because I knew there was no Strigoi out there. But lately, Strigoi had been the least of our worries. â€Å"Rose? Dimitri?' The voice was barely audible–but familiar. Relaxing slightly, I unzipped the tent's entrance and revealed Sonya kneeling in front of it. Like us, she wore the same clothes from earlier, and her auburn hair was messy. Otherwise, she seemed to have escaped her pursuers unscathed. I scooted aside so that she could enter. â€Å"Cozy,' she said, glancing around. â€Å"You've got the farthest spot out on the campground. Took me forever to find the car you described.' â€Å"How'd you get here?' I asked. She winked. â€Å"You're not the only ones who can steal cars. Or, in my case, get people to â€Å"willingly' lend them.' â€Å"Were you followed?' asked Dimitri. He was all seriousness again, with no sign of what had passed moments ago. â€Å"Not that I could tell,' she said, shifting into a cross-legged position. â€Å"A couple guardians followed me back in the neighborhood, but I lost them a while ago. Most of them seemed more interested in you two.' â€Å"Imagine that,' I muttered. â€Å"Too bad Victor was long gone–he might have taken priority.' â€Å"He didn't kill a queen,' she said ruefully. We'd had to eventually tell her why Victor was wanted and that he'd been the one Sonya had sensed was stalking Lissa back at St. Vladimir's. â€Å"But the good news is I know where they're at now.' â€Å"Where?' asked Dimitri and I in unison. A small, knowing smile came to her lips at that. â€Å"West Michigan,' she said. â€Å"They took off in the opposite direction from Court.' â€Å"Damn,' I muttered. Dimitri and I had gone southeast from Ann Arbor, clipping the Detroit suburbs and just crossing into Ohio. We'd picked the wrong direction. â€Å"But you saw Jill? Is she okay?' Sonya nodded. â€Å"Fine. Scared, but fine. She described enough landmarks that I think we can locate their motel. I found her in a dream a couple hours ago; they had to rest. Victor wasn't feeling well. They might still be there.' â€Å"Then we need to leave now,' said Dimitri, instantly in action. â€Å"Once they're moving, Jill will be awake and out of contact.' We packed up our campsite with amazing speed. My ankle felt better but was still sore. Noticing my limp, Sonya called a halt just before we got in her car. â€Å"Hang on.' She knelt before me, examining the swelling ankle that was easily exposed by my torn dress. Taking a deep breath, she rested her hands on me, and a surge of electricity shot through my leg, followed by waves of heat and cold. When it was over and she stood up, the pain and swelling were gone, as were the scrapes on my legs. Probably the cuts on my head too. Spirit users had healed me so often that you'd think I'd be used to it, but it was still a little startling. â€Å"Thank you,' I said. â€Å"But you shouldn't have done that †¦ shouldn't have used the magic †¦' â€Å"You need to be in peak condition,' she said. Her gaze drifted from me, staring off at the trees. â€Å"And the magic †¦ well, it's hard to stay away from.' Indeed it was, and I felt guilty that she was using it on me–and moving closer to insanity. Robert's restoration had healed her mind a little, and she needed to take advantage of that. This was no time for a lecture, though, and Dimitri's expression told me he too thought it best I get back in shape. We took off toward where Sonya told us Jill was, and this time, her directions were as specific as she could make them. No more vagueness or binding promises. We stopped once to â€Å"acquire' a new car and get a map. The info Sonya had gleaned from Jill led us to a town called Sturgis. While it was in the western half of Michigan, it was also south–meaning the distance wasn't quite as long as we'd expected. Nonetheless, Dimitri drove at least fifteen miles per hour over the speed limit the whole time. â€Å"There,' said Sonya, as we rolled into downtown Sturgis–which wasn't much of a downtown. We were near a modest-looking motel on a side street. â€Å"That's what she described. The Sunshine Motel.' Dimitri pulled into the lot behind the building, and we all sat there, staring at the motel, which didn't look as cheerful as its name. Like me, I presumed my companions were trying to figure out how to approach this. Jill's dream info had gotten us here, but Sonya had nothing else to help us find their room–if they were even still here. They certainly wouldn't have checked in under real names. I was going to suggest we just walk past the doors and hope Sonya would sense Robert when she suddenly pointed. â€Å"That's their car,' she said. â€Å"They're here.' Sure enough. There was the CR-V we'd taken to Jill's house. Talk about karma. I'd swiped Victor's keys, and he'd repaid the favor by taking ours. None of us had thought much about his escape vehicle in the ensuing chaos. â€Å"Sloppy,' murmured Dimitri, eyes narrowed thoughtfully. â€Å"They should have switched cars.' â€Å"That's Sydney's,' I pointed out. â€Å"It's not technically stolen, so it's not on any police lists. Besides, something tells me Victor and Robert aren't hot-wiring pros like some people are.' We'd left a string of stolen cars across the Midwest. Dimitri nodded, like I'd actually just complimented him. â€Å"Whatever the reason, it helps us.' â€Å"How do we find them?' asked Sonya. I was about to suggest the aura plan but dismissed it. Robert would sense Sonya at the same moment, giving him brief warning. Plus, when we found the brothers, there'd likely be a fight. Doing it in the motel would attract attention. This parking lot was in back, away from the main road. â€Å"We wait,' I said. â€Å"It's amazing enough that they even stopped this long. If they have any sense, they'll leave soon.' â€Å"Agreed,' said Dimitri, catching my eyes. Souls in sync. The memory of that near-kiss returned, and I looked away, fearing what my face would betray. â€Å"The lot's easy to defend too. Not much room for escape.' It was true. The motel flanked one side, a concrete wall the other. There weren't many other buildings nearby either. He moved our car to the farthest spot he could in the lot, providing us with a full view of it and the motel's exit–but keeping us semi-concealed. We considered sitting in the car, but Dimitri and I decided we should wait outside, giving us more mobility. We left Sonya inside. This wasn't her fight. Standing behind the car with Dimitri, in the shadow of a leafy maple, I became acutely aware of his proximity and fierce warrior stance. He might be missing his duster, but I had to admit I liked the view of him I got without the coat. â€Å"I don't suppose,' I said softly, â€Å"that we're going to talk about this morning?' Dimitri's eyes were fixed so hard on the CR-V that he might have been trying to make Jill and the brothers materialize inside it. I wasn't fooled. He was just avoiding looking at me. â€Å"There's nothing to talk about.' â€Å"I knew you'd say that. Actually, it was a toss-up between that and â€Å"I don't know what you're talking about.† Dimitri sighed. â€Å"But,' I continued, â€Å"there is something to talk about. Like when you almost kissed me. And what did you mean about â€Å"the right thing'?' Silence. â€Å"You wanted to kiss me!' It was hard to keep my voice low. â€Å"I saw it.' â€Å"Just because we want something doesn't mean it's right.' â€Å"What I said †¦ it's true, isn't it? You can love, can't you? I realize now that right after the transformation, you really didn't think you could. And you probably couldn't. But things have changed. You're getting yourself back.' Dimitri gave me a sidelong look. â€Å"Yes. Things have changed †¦ and some haven't.' â€Å"Okay, Mr. Enigma. That doesn't help explain the â€Å"right thing' comment.' Frustration filled his features. â€Å"Rose, I've done a lot of bad things, most of which I can never fix or find redemption for. My only choice now, if I want to reclaim my life, is to go forward, stopping evil and doing what's right. And what is not right is taking a woman from another man, a man I like and respect. I'll steal cars. I'll break into houses. But there are lines I will not cross, no matter what I–‘ The motel's back door opening jolted us to attention. It was no wonder my love life was so messed up when the most profound and intimate moments were always being interrupted by dire situations. It was just as well because I had never, ever seen that line coming: What is not right is taking a woman from another man, a man I like and respect. New drama took precedence. Victor stepped outside, with Robert and Jill walking side by side behind him. I'd half expected to see her tied up and was surprised that she accompanied them so calmly. Too calmly, I soon realized. It wasn't natural. There was an almost robotic feel to her movements: she was being compelled into docility. â€Å"Compulsion,' said Dimitri quietly, recognizing it as well. â€Å"Go for Victor. I'll get Robert.' I nodded. â€Å"Jill will run as soon as the compulsion's broken. I hope.' I didn't put it past her to join our fight, which could cause more harm than good. We'd find out soon enough. Mercifully, no one else was around. It was still fairly early in the morning. Dimitri and I sprang out from our hiding spots, crossing the distance of the parking lot in a matter of moments. Two healthy dhampirs could outrace two old Moroi any day. And as crafty as they might be, the brothers hadn't expected us. In my periphery, I just barely saw Dimitri kicking into warrior god mode, fierce and unstoppable. Then, I focused entirely on Victor, throwing my full weight at him and knocking him to the ground. He hit hard against the asphalt, and I pinned him down, slamming my fist into his face and making his nose bleed. â€Å"Well done,' he gasped out. â€Å"I've been wanting to do that for a very long time,' I growled. Victor smiled through the pain and the blood. â€Å"Of course you have. I used to think Belikov was the savage one, but it's really you, isn't it? You're the animal with no control, no higher reasoning except to fight and kill.' I clenched his shirt and leaned him over him. â€Å"Me? I'm not the one who tortured Lissa for my own benefit. I'm not the one who turned my daughter Strigoi. And I'm sure as hell not the one who used compulsion to kidnap a fifteen-year-old girl!' To my disgust, he kept that maddening smile on his face. â€Å"She's valuable, Rose. So, so valuable. You have no idea how much so.' â€Å"She's not an object for you to manipulate!' I cried. â€Å"She's a–ahh!' The ground suddenly rolled up beneath me, a mini-earthquake centered around us. The asphalt bucked up, giving Victor the leverage to push me off. It wasn't a strong push, and I could have easily recovered my balance if not for the ground rippling and surrounding me, rolling like ocean waves to knock me over. Victor was using his earth magic to control the area where I stood. Faint cries of surprise told me others were feeling a little of it, but the magic was clearly focused on me. Not without cost, though. Victor was an old man–an old man I'd just shoved onto asphalt and punched. Pain and fatigue were all over him, and his labored breathing told me wielding magic this powerful–something I'd never seen an earth user do–was pushing every ounce of strength he had left. One good punch. That was all I needed. One good punch would knock him down and take him out of this fight. Only, I was the one being taken down. Literally. Try as I might, my personal earthquake got the best of me, knocking me to my knees. I was still in that stupid dress too, meaning my newly healed legs got scraped again. And once I was down, the asphalt rose around me. I realized Victor was going to ensnare me by creating a stone prison. I couldn't let that happen. â€Å"All that brawn for nothing,' gasped out Victor, sweat pouring off his face. â€Å"It does you no good in the end. Real power is in the mind. In cunning. In controlling Jillian, I control Vasilisa. With Vasilisa, I control the Dragomirs, and from there–the Moroi. That's power. That's strength.' Most of his smug tirade went over me. But part of it stuck: In controlling Jillian, I control Vasilisa. Lissa. I couldn't let him hurt her. I couldn't let him use her. In fact, I couldn't let him use Jill either. Lissa had given me a chotki, which was kind of a cross between a bracelet and a rosary. It was a Dragomir heirloom, bestowed upon those who protected the family. That was my duty: to protect all the Dragomirs. The old guardian mantra rang in my mind: They come first. With skill I didn't know I possessed, I sized up the shaking ground and attempted to stand again. I made it, practically dancing in that parking lot. And as I stared at Victor, I felt what Sonya had warned about: the catalyst. The spark that would ignite the darkness I'd gathered and gathered from Lissa. In looking at him, I saw all the evils of my life in one man. Was that entirely accurate? No, not exactly. But he had hurt my best friend–nearly killed her. He'd toyed with Dimitri and me, complicating what was already a mess of a relationship. He was now trying to control others. When would it end? When would his evil stop? Red and black tinged my vision. I heard a voice call my name–Sonya's, I think. But in that moment, there was nothing else in the world but Victor and my hate for him. I sprang at him, fueled by rage and adrenaline, leaping out of the epicenter of shaking ground that threatened to seize me. Once more, I threw myself at him, but we didn't hit the ground. We'd shifted position slightly, and instead, we hit the concrete wall–with just as much force as I might have thrown a Strigoi. His head bent back at the impact. I heard an odd cracking sound, and Victor slumped to the ground. I immediate dropped down, grabbing his arms and shaking him. â€Å"Get up!' I screamed. â€Å"Get up and fight me!' But no matter how much I shook him or yelled, Victor would not stand. He wouldn't move on his own. Hands grabbed me, trying futilely to pull me away. â€Å"Rose–Rose! Stop. Stop this.' I ignored the voice, ignored the hands. I was all anger and power, wanting– no, needing–Victor to face me once and for all. Suddenly, a strange sensation crept along me, like fingertips across my skin. Let him go. I didn't want to, but for half a second, it seemed like a reasonable idea. I loosened my hold slightly, just enough for those hands to jerk me away. Like that, I snapped out of the haze and realized what had happened. The person who'd pulled me was Sonya, and she'd used a tiny bit of compulsion to get me away and let go of Victor. She was strong enough in her power that she didn't even need eye contact. She held onto me, even though she had to know it was wasted effort. â€Å"I have to stop him,' I said, wriggling from her grasp. â€Å"He has to pay.' I reached for him again. Sonya gave up on physical restraint, appealing to words instead. â€Å"Rose, he has! He's dead. Can't you see that? Dead. Victor's dead!' No, I didn't see that–not at first. All I saw was my blind obsession, my need to get to Victor. But then, her words broke through to me. As I gripped Victor, I felt the limpness in his body. I saw the eyes that looked blankly at †¦ nothing. That crazy, churning emotion in me faded, transforming into shock. My grip slackened as I stared at him and truly understood what she had said. Understood what I had done. Then, I heard a terrible sound. A low wailing broke through the frozen horror in my mind. I glanced back in alarm and saw Dimitri standing with Robert. Robert's arms were pinned behind his back as Dimitri effortlessly held him, but the Moroi was doing everything in his power–and failing–to break free. Jill stood nearby, looking uneasily at all of us, confused and afraid. â€Å"Victor! Victor!' Robert's pleas were muffled by sobs and as useless as my own efforts to get Victor up. I dragged my gaze back down to the body before me, barely believing what I had just done. I'd thought the guardians had been crazy in their reaction to Eddie killing a Moroi, but now, I was starting to understand. A monster like a Strigoi was one thing. But the life of a person, even a person who– â€Å"Get him out of here!' Sonya was so near me that the unexpected exclamation made me wince. She'd been kneeling too but now jumped to her feet, turning toward Dimitri. â€Å"Get him out of here! As far as you can!' Dimitri looked surprised, but the powerful command in her voice drove him to instant action. He began dragging Robert away. After a few moments, Dimitri simply opted to toss the man over his shoulder and cart him off. I would have expected cries of protest, but Robert had fallen silent. His eyes were on Victor's body–their gaze so sharp, so focused that they seemed like they could burn a hole through someone. Sonya, not having my fanciful impression, thrust herself between the brothers and dropped to the ground again, covering Victor's body with her own. â€Å"Get him out of here!' she called again. â€Å"He's trying to bring Victor back! He'll be shadow-kissed!' I was still confused and upset, still appalled at what I'd done, but the danger of what she said hit me hard. Robert couldn't be allowed to bring back Victor back. The brothers were dangerous enough without being bonded. Victor couldn't be allowed to summon ghosts the way I could. Victor had to stay dead. â€Å"Doesn't he have to touch the body?' I asked. â€Å"To finish the bond, yes. But he was wielding tons of spirit just now, calling Victor's soul back and keeping it around,' she explained. When Dimitri and Robert were gone, Sonya told me to help her move the body. We'd made too much noise, and it was a wonder no one had come out yet. Jill joined us, and I moved without really being aware of what I was doing. Sonya found the keys to the CR-V on Victor and flattened the backseats to increase the rear cargo space. We crawled into it, the three of us having to hunch down to stay out of sight. We soon heard voices, people coming to see what had happened. I don't know long they were in the parking lot, only that they mercifully didn't search cars. Honestly? I had few coherent thoughts at all. That rage was gone, but my mind was a mess. I couldn't seem to get a hold of anything concrete. I felt sick and just followed Sonya's orders, staying low as I tried not to look at Victor's body. Even after the voices were gone, she kept us in the car. At last, she exhaled a deep breath and focused on me. â€Å"Rose?' I didn't answer right away. â€Å"Rose?' â€Å"Yeah?' I asked, voice cracking. Her voice was soothing and cajoling. I felt that crawling on my skin again and a need to please her. â€Å"I need you to look at the dead. Open your eyes to them.' The dead? No. My mind felt out of control, and I had enough sense to know bringing ghosts here would be a bad idea. â€Å"I can't.' â€Å"You can,' she said. â€Å"I'll help you. Please.' I couldn't refuse her compulsion. Expanding my senses, I let down the walls I kept around me. They were the walls that blocked me from the world of the dead and the ghosts that followed me around. Within moments, translucent faces appeared before me, some like normal people and others terrible and ghastly. Their mouths opened, wanting to speak but unable to. â€Å"What do you see?' asked Sonya. â€Å"Spirits,' I whispered. â€Å"Do you see Victor?' I peered into the swarm of faces, seeking anyone familiar. â€Å"No.' â€Å"Push them back,' she said. â€Å"Put your walls back up.' I tried to do as she said, but it was hard. I didn't have the will. I felt outside encouragement and realized Sonya was still compelling me. She couldn't make the ghosts disappear, but feelings of support and determination strengthened me. I shut out the restless dead. â€Å"He's gone then,' Sonya said. â€Å"He's either completely consumed by the world of the dead or is wandering as a restless spirit. Regardless, any lingering threads to life are gone. He can't come back to life.' She turned to Jill. â€Å"Go get Dimitri.' â€Å"I don't know where he is,' said Jill, startled. Sonya smiled, but it didn't reach her eyes. â€Å"Close, I'm sure. And watching. Go walk around the motel, the block, whatever. He'll find you.' Jill left, needing no compulsion. When she was gone, I buried my face in my hands. â€Å"Oh God. Oh God. All this time, I denied it, but it's true: I am a murderer.' â€Å"Don't think about that yet,' said Sonya. Her take-charge attitude was almost comforting. Almost. It was easier to take orders than fend for yourself. â€Å"Deal with your guilt later. For now, we have to get rid of the body.' I uncovered my eyes and forced myself to look at Victor. Nausea welled up within me, and those crazy feelings spun even more out of control. I gave a harsh laugh. â€Å"Yes. The body. I wish Sydney was here. But we don't have any magic potions. The sun won't destroy him. Weird, isn't it? Strigoi are harder to kill †¦ harder to kill, easier to clean up.' I laughed again because there was something familiar about my rambling †¦ it was like Adrian in one of his weird moments. Or Lissa when spirit had pushed her to the edge. â€Å"This is it, isn't it?' I asked Sonya. â€Å"The flood †¦ the flood you warned me about. Lissa escaped spirit, but it finally defeated me †¦ just like Anna †¦ just like the dream †¦ oh God. This is the dream, isn't it? But I won't wake up †¦' Sonya was staring at me, her blue eyes wide with †¦ fear? Mockery? Alarm? She reached out and took my hand. â€Å"Stay with me, Rose. We'll push it back.' A knock at the window startled us both, and Sonya let Jill and Dimitri in. â€Å"Where's Robert?' asked Sonya. Dimitri glanced down at Victor and then promptly looked away. â€Å"Unconscious, hidden in some bushes around the corner.' â€Å"Charming,' said Sonya. â€Å"Do you think that's smart? Leaving him?' He shrugged. â€Å"I figured I shouldn't be seen carrying an unconscious guy in my arms. In fact †¦ yes, I think we should just leave him there. He'll wake up. He's not a fugitive. And without Victor, he's †¦ well, not harmless. But less harmful. We can't keep dragging him with us anyway.' I laughed again, that laugh that seemed unhinged and hysterical even to me. â€Å"He's unconscious. Of course. Of course. You can do that. You can do the right thing. Not me.' I looked down at Victor. â€Å"†An animal,' he said. He was right. No higher reasoning †¦' I wrapped my arms around myself, my fingernails digging into my skin so hard they drew blood. Physical pain to make the mental pain go away. Wasn't that what Lissa had always said? Dimitri stared at me and then turned to Sonya. â€Å"What's wrong?' he demanded. I'd seen him risk his life over and over, but never, until now, had he truly looked afraid. â€Å"Spirit,' said Sonya. â€Å"She's pulled and pulled for so long †¦ and managed to hold it back. It's been waiting, though. Always waiting †¦' She frowned slightly, maybe realizing she was starting to sound like me. She turned to Jill. â€Å"Is that silver?' Jill looked down at the heart-shaped locket around her neck. â€Å"I think so.' â€Å"Can I have it?' Jill undid the clasp and passed it over. Sonya held it between her palms and closed her eyes a moment, pursing her lips. A few seconds later, her eyes opened, and she handed me the locket. â€Å"Put it on.' Just touching it gave me a strange tingling in my skin. â€Å"The heart †¦' I looked at Dimitri as I fastened the clasp. â€Å"Do you remember that? â€Å"Where's the heart?' you asked. And here it is. Here it †¦' I stopped. The world suddenly became crisper. My jumbled thoughts slowly began to move back together, forming some semblance of rationality. I stared at my companions–the living ones–truly seeing them now. I touched the locket. â€Å"This is a healing charm.' Sonya nodded. â€Å"I didn't know if it'd work on the mind. I don't think it's a permanent fix †¦ but between it and your own will, you'll be okay for a while.' I tried not to focus on those last words. For a while. Instead, I tried to make sense of the world around me. Of the body in front of me. â€Å"What have I done?' I whispered. Jill put her arm around me, but it was Dimitri who spoke. â€Å"What you had to.'