Essay on Margaret Atwoods The Handmaids Tale - 1419 Words

Margaret Atwoods The Handmaids Tale Love of God replaces love of humanity in Margaret Atwood’s, The Handmaid’s Tale. Offred’s recollections of her past life, especially of her husband, are ones filled with passion and happiness as she remembers his tenderness towards her. Much more emphasis is put on the physical human form in her memories; she often remembers lying with her husband while she wears little or no clothing. Appreciation of the human form is an essential component of loving humanity. Offred remembers the love she felt for her friends with whom she enjoyed spending time and conversing. When her friend is taken away, Offred spends much time mourning the loss of this person from her life. She also longs, throughout the†¦show more content†¦Sex is made into a ritual for two reasons, both of which revolve around worship of God. First it is our duty as humans to continue the existence of our species because God intended us to. Therefore, if people cannot be trusted to procreate inde pendently, reproduction must be government managed. Secondly, sex for any reason other than for reproductive purposes is against God’s will, so the fundamentalist government in the novel eliminates sex that it not government run. For religious reasons, Offred’s mental and physical well being is not viewed as important. To put too much emphasis on an individual is to give them an importance outside the scope of what God intended. As a lieutenant of God on earth, Offred is expected to devote her entire being to God without concern for her own troubles. The government here tries to force on its subjects the ultimate piety, wherein all else is absent from life except for God. Finally, the human form is given little importance here out of respect for God. God intended modesty on the part of human beings, therefore there are regulations on what the women may wear. The loss of basic humanity in favor of piety is the central theme of The Handmaid’s Tale, and it is this theme that I attempted to portray in my collection of images. It took a long time for me to come up with any ideas for my pictures. The first inspiration that struck when I was trying to findShow MoreRelated Margaret Atwoods The Handmaids Tale Essay1246 Words   |  5 PagesMargaret Atwoods The Handmaids Tale In The Handmaids Tale, Margaret Atwood tells a saddening story about a not-to-distant future where toxic chemicals and abuses of the human body have resulted in many men and women alike becoming sterile. The main character, Offred, gives a first person encounter about her subservient life as a handmaid in the Republic of Gilead, a republic formed after a bloody coup against the United States government. She and her fellow handmaids are fertile women thatRead More Margaret Atwoods The Handmaids Tale Essay962 Words   |  4 PagesMargaret Atwoods The Handmaids Tale The Historical Notes are important in the way we perceive the novel as they answer many important questions raised by the novel and also enhance some of the novels main themes. The first question it answers is the one raised at the end of the novel; that is whether Offred is stepping up into the,darkness, or the, light. The reader finds out that Offred escaped Gilead, presumably into Canada, with the help of the,Underground Femaleroad. TheRead MoreEssay on The Dystopia in Margaret Atwoods The Handmaids Tale1098 Words   |  5 PagesThe Dystopia in Margaret Atwoods The Handmaids Tale Offred is a Handmaid in what used to be the United States, now the theocratic Republic of Gilead. In order to create Gileads idea of a more perfect society, they have reverted to taking the Book of Genesis at its word. Women no longer have any privileges; they cannot work, have their own bank accounts, or own anything. The also are not allowed to read or even chose who they want to marry. Women are taught that they should be subservientRead More Representation of Colors in Margaret Atwoods The Handmaids Tale1774 Words   |  8 PagesRepresentation of Colors in Margaret Atwoods The Handmaids Tale Imagine if you can, living in a world that tells you what you are to wear, where to live, as well as your position and value to society. In Margaret Atwoods novel, The Handmaids Tale, she shows us the Republic of Gilead does just that. Offred, the main character, is a Handmaid, whose usefulness is her ovaries. Handmaids are ordered to live in a house with a Commander, his wife, and once a month attempt to become pregnant byRead MoreEssay on Feminism in Margaret Atwoods The Handmaids Tale1096 Words   |  5 PagesFeminism in Margaret Atwoods The Handmaids Tale In The Handmaids Tale, Margaret Atwood explores the role that women play in society and the consequences of a countryà ­s value system. She reveals that values held in the United States are a threat to the livelihood and status of women. As one critic writes, â€Å"the author has concluded that present social trends are dangerous to individual welfare† (Prescott 151).   The novel is set in the near future in Gilead, formerly the U.S., at a time whenRead MoreEssay on Feminist Ideas in Margaret Atwoods The Handmaids Tale1199 Words   |  5 PagesFeminist Ideas in Margaret Atwoods The Handmaids Tale For this essay, we focused strictly on critics reactions to Margaret Atwoods The Handmaids Tale. For the most part, we found two separate opinions about The Handmaids Tale, concerning feminism. One opinion is that it is a feminist novel, and the opposing opinion that it is not. Feminism: A doctrine advocating social, political, and economic rights for women equal to those of men as recorded in Websters Dictionary. This topic is prevalentRead MoreFeminism Lost in Margaret Atwood’s A Handmaid’s Tale Essay1527 Words   |  7 PagesIn Margaret Atwood’s A Handmaid’s Tale, the human spirit has evolved to such a point that it cannot be subdued by complacency. Atwood shows Gilead as an extremist state with strong religious connotations. We see the outcome of the reversal of women’s rights and a totalitarian government which is based on reproduction. Not only is the government oppressive, but we see the female roles support and enable the oppression of ot her female characters. â€Å"This is an open ended text,†¦conscious of the possibilitiesRead MoreEssay Romantic Love in Margaret Atwoods The Handmaids Tale1385 Words   |  6 PagesRomantic Love in Margaret Atwoods The Handmaids Tale In her novel The Handmaids Tale, Margaret Atwood addresses the concept of different expression of romantic love through the eyes of Offred, a woman who has lost almost all her freedom to a repressive, dystopic society. Throughout her struggle against oppression and guilt, Offreds view evolves, and it is through this process that Atwood demonstrates the nature of love as it develops under the most austere of circumstances. The firstRead More Margaret Atwoods The Handmaids Tale: Novel and Film Essay2075 Words   |  9 PagesMargaret Atwoods The Handmaids Tale: Novel and Film The Handmaids Tale, a science-fiction novel written by Margaret Atwood, focuses on womens rights and what could happen to them in the future. This novel was later made into a movie in 1990. As with most cases of books made into movies, there are some similarities and differences between the novel and the film. Overall the film tends to stay on the same track as the book with a few minor details changed, and only two major differences. Read MoreThe Satire of Margaret Atwoods The Handmaids Tale Essay example497 Words   |  2 PagesThe Handmaids Tale has been described as a scathing satire and a dire warning! Which elements of our own society is Margaret atwood satirising and how does her satire work ? Atwood tries to open our eyes by satirising our society with a brilliant contrasting novel. Dystopian in every way, the reader encounters a world in which modern values of our society seem/ are replaceable. Showing the worst of all possible outcomes, she demonstrates that our primarily heartless, just economical thinking

The Rights Of Animal Rights Essay - 1613 Words

that level. Every day, I hear tons of news and tragic stories of animal living in captivity, how they suffered to amuse human, how they live without care in unqualified conditions. Detroit Zoo mentioned in the article â€Å"Detroit Journal; Ripples of Controversy after a Chimp Drowns† was opposed by letting many chimps drown because of the moat they use for chimp exhibit. The other case is Lincoln Park Zoo which was drawing criticism from animal right activists by the dead of nine animals in the short time. Although zoo officials pointed out many excuses to protect themselves, animal right activists argued that inappropriate space and climate change were the main causes of animal deaths. They defended animal died because of being left outside under the cold weather and lacking of space for living. I do not mean to criticize all the zoos, but it is undeniable that many animals are suffering in captivity. According to Ferkenhoff in the article â€Å"In Chicago, Animal Deaths Pu t Spotlight on Zoo,† $200 million has been investigated over the past decade to develop living conditions of animals in The Lincoln Park Zoo; however, animals were still found death because of insufficient space. If the zoos cared more for animals instead of focusing on their economic value, their life would be much better. Besides, many zoo officers argue that the zoos are an important means of revenue for wildlife conservation. One of their most efforts to protect animals is the breeding and reproductionShow MoreRelatedAnimal Rights And The Rights Of Animals1843 Words   |  8 Pagesthe rights of animals and if they think and feel like humans do. Many people see animals as mindless creatures or as food, while others think they have emotions and can feel pain. In other countries animal protection laws are in place that are strictly enforced and seem to work well with the system. In the United States however; some of the animal rights laws are considered to be useless and und er-enforced (Animal Legal Historical Center). More people today are beginning to see that animals shouldRead MoreHuman Rights : Animal Rights Essay1490 Words   |  6 Pages Animal Rights Name Institutional Affiliation â€Æ' Animal Rights Animal rights as well as animal welfare are different concepts that identify variant points in a continuum that extends from the exploitation of animals to the animal liberation. Animal rights can be perceived as the belief in the fact that humans have no right to take advantage of animals for their gains, in the farms, labs entertainment orRead MoreAnimal Rights And Human Rights923 Words   |  4 Pages Animal Rights â€Å"Nearly as many, 68 percent, were concerned or very concerned about the well-being of animals used in ‘sports’ or contests as well as animals in laboratories (67 percent) (Kretzer, 1).† Many people question whether an animal is capable of thought and emotions. Others feel as though animals are the equivalent of humans and should be treated as such. Since the 1800’s, animal rights has been a topic that has several different sides including two extremes. If animals can react to theirRead MoreAnimal rights1084 Words   |  5 Pagesâ€Å"Animals with rights must be treated as ends in themselves, they should not be treated by others as means to achieve their ends.† (Francione) An idea opposing to Immanuel Kant’s beliefs. Animals are apart of the moral community, their intrinsic worth justifies this, and causes for certain rights to be established to uphold their worth within the community. To not respect the welfare of nonhuman animals, and to provide special treatment for humans, goes against Peter Singer’s ideas for a harmoniousRead MoreAnimal Rights And The Rights Movement Essay1035 Words   |  5 Pagessacrifice lives in order to protect the welfare of animals? Is the human race ready to justify trading human lives for animal lives? Even though we should make every effort ensure that animals are not wantonly harmed in research, animals certainly do not have the same rights as humans do. Many animal rights activists condemn research on animals, citing that it is inhumane. But prohibiting research on animals would be even more inhumane. Research on animals has eradicated many diseases and saved the livesRead MoreAnimal Rights And Human Rights1627 Words   |  7 Pages Animal rights is a very controversial topic in today’s world. This controversy began back in 1975 when Peter Singer’s novel Animal Liberation was published. In the book, Singer explains the issues we still face at the top of animal protectionism today. Although Singer and his theories enlightened a lot of people of animal protectionism, he actually did not start the animal rights debate. People started questioning the status of animals all the way back to ancient Greece. Some people in these timesRead MoreAnimal Rights And Human Rights1808 Words   |  8 PagesThe idea that animals have rights seems to be heavily agreed on by a large majority of scholars whom have studied this topic. However, what comes into question is understanding the severity and range of these rights. How do we determine the level of animal rights? How do we understand animal rights in relation to human rights? This paper aims to address these questions by showing that animals have the basic righ ts to live a life without harm, but cannot have equal rights to humans because of ourRead MoreAnimal Rights And Human Rights1857 Words   |  8 PagesWhether we think about it or not, our views on animal rights affect the choices we make every day from the foods we eat, the clothes we wear, the products we use on our skin, the medicine we take, and even the pets we may or may not keep in our home. Each of these choices hinge on our views of animal rights. Although animal rights are not a new issue we are facing here in the U.S., recent events have brought them back into the foreground. News stories like the slaying of Cecil the lion, and HarambeRead MoreAnimal Rights And The Right Action1305 Words   |  6 Pages Billions of animals are killed by human beings each year. Most of these animals live in filthy, unfavorable conditions and undergo painful procedures before being slaughtered for food or other purposes. The way that these animals are treated would never be considere d ethical when applied to humans, even though animals and humans have much in common. Humans should not kill or harm animals purposefully, just as they should not purposefully harm other humans. Based on the theory of utilitarianism-Read MoreAnimal Rights : Animal Cruelty Essay1520 Words   |  7 PagesAnimal Rights Animal rights, the rights believed to belong to animals to live free from use in medical research, hunting, and other services to humans. Animal Cruelty is the human infliction of suffering or harm upon any non-human animal, for purposes other than self-defense or survival.   Ã‚  Animal Cruelty exists and it should not. Animals feel pain and fear like we do, but they are helpless.They can’t tell us that it hurts, they can’t communicate their pain because we do not speak their language

Shooting an Elephant Free Essays

George Charalambous 03/05/2013 English 1030 Research Paper † If it were necessary to give the briefest possible definition of imperialism, we should have to say that imperialism is the monopoly stage of capitalism now† according to Vladimir Lenin. George Orwell immediately begins the essay †Shooting an Elephant† by claiming his perspective on British Imperialism, and how this imperialism affected himself, his empire, and the Burma people. Though George Orwell is a British officer himself at the time in Burma , he claims that he is fully against the oppressors , who at the time are the British. We will write a custom essay sample on Shooting an Elephant or any similar topic only for you Order Now His personal experience, that he writes about with the elephant is metaphorical to imperialism and how he views the social issue. The author is the protagonist of the story and he shows the feelings toward the British Imperialism and Britain’s justification for their actions in taking over Burma. Nowadays imperialism, transformed to capitalism and a lot of the characteristics are the same. Firstly, if we take a look to George Orwell’s life he was born in 1903 in Bengal, in the British Colony of India, where his dad was working. His mother though was the one that brought him to England at the age of one. While he was in primary school, and other greater levels his teachers made clear that he was disliked by some of them. He joined the imperial police in India, Burma after finishing his studies at Eton, without any prospect of getting a college degree because his family was insufficient to pay his tuition. He went back to England in 1928 having grown hating imperialism as shown by his first novel † Burmese Days â€Å". Orwell and his family lived poor for many years even sometimes he was homeless. He began working in BBC Eastern service after the end of world war two. His job there was to shape propaganda and wrote that he felt bad for working there but he did it only to survive. He was working mostly in programs to gain Indian support for Britain’s war efforts. Despite the good pay from BBC he did not like what they were supporting and he resigned in 1943. Orwell was well known during most of his career for his journalism, both in books and British press. In his own words, he characterize himself as a democratic socialist, and he was strongly against fascism, imperialism and dictators. George Orwell is a creative and competent writer, and he is a man that has a lot to teach and say about the world around him and around the world through his writings. He is such a writer. To begin with Orwell is the protagonist of â€Å"Shooting an Elephant†. The author himself is saying that he is uneducated and young , at that particular time. From that saying, we realize that he did not really experienced life or the world. He believed though that English people should not supply their ideas of life on other people through violence. In the job he was doing he got to see all the dirty work of what his country was doing and what they were in charge of. That was something that really scarred him which he clearly shows in his 1984 last novel. You can see some of that resentment towards big imperialistic governments played out in almost all of his novel. George Orwell opinion when he is in the military and can see clearly the UK imperialistic strategies to rule other countries. His argument was that England military should not even be in India by that time. United Kingdom government was saying that, what they were trying to do, was to develop better living standards for everyone but Orwell did not believe that, that was the cause. In this particular essay † Shooting an Elephant â€Å", as I said previously , is the protagonist. The main incident of the story is when Orwell has to kill the elephant. He talks about his experience as a young British colonial policeman working in Burma in the 1920’s. Orwell’s is called out to do something about a tame elephant He clearly says in the story that he did not want to kill the animal. In his mind, he just wanted to get close to the elephant but if it does not charge him or show aggression maybe he could just go away and everybody will be fine with it. But he realizes that the moment he started heading towards the elephant with his rifle, everybody from the crowd, start getting excited to see it dead. Those people in the crowd might want a show of entertainment, like something big get shot. On the other hand maybe they just wante the food because in the end of â€Å"Shooting an Elephant† it says that after they kill it, they stripped it’s bones in eight pieces and they tok the meat.. Maybe though they just wanted the ivory. After he shots, people would fight to get first the ivory. Everybody had a different motivation and that is what made it hard for him to walk away at this point. He knew he was committed to shoot the elephant even though he did not want to do it. He did not want to be laugh at. People expected on him to do it and he had to do it. All these people were following him while he was going int this life experience for him. In Orwell’s mind, he was the policeman , so he was in charge. He should be able to do whatever he wants reason obviously. Instead the people and the government were pushing their will upon him and forcing him to do something that he does not want toand that seems like a contradiction to me. He really does not have the freedom to do what truly he wants to do in this situation because of England and what they put him in. One of the senses that I got from â€Å"Shooting an Elephant† was his inside struggle and thinking before and after the shooting. It was a mental struggle for Orwell back-and-fronth. When he finally shoot the elephant, it does not die. He shoot him again and again even in his mouth which is the most sensitive spot of an elephant, but still the animal do not die. It took thirty minutes for the elephant to die. The fact that the elephant had to struggle made the author to suffer more after his unwilling action. The elephant start bleeding and dying in a pain that could not even get up anymore, From the last lines of the story Orwell is focusing on the societal hierarchy and structure. This societal structure was influenced by the English colonialism and how things were run in England. They influenced Burnese people the same way and how they perceived other people. Through the last lines the author points out again how ridiculous was what he was about to do and that the ultimate reason that he did it is because he did not want to get laughed at. We can obviously see the pain and anger towards England oppression. The background of George Orwell, and ultimate points of his biography, will help to understand a lot more about this essay â€Å"Shooting an Elephant†. The story itself is enlightening but you can miss a lot of the important elements of this assessing. Orwell is most famous for writing â€Å"1984†. In â€Å"1984† he pictures a future world fully controlled by television cameras, â€Å"the big brother†. He lived two lives. First life in Burma as a police officer and second when he goes back to England. His second life , is the life of a writer. In England he wrote â€Å"1984† , and a collection of essays, which â€Å"Shooting an Elephant† is one of those essays. In â€Å"Shooting an Elephant† he uses a lot two words, imperialism and colonialism. Basically colonialism is when a country shows up in another country and says † you are too stupid to run your own country, so we are going to run it for you † . Imperialism is the intent to try to control another country and ostensibly began to think of it as your own. American and English governments have those tensions the last hundrend years. In my opinion , what Orwell was trying to point out is that governments do not use colonialism for active humanitarianism , but the real reason why people show up in another country and colonialize it is for money and power. Extract large amounts of resources , sometimes out of the ground and sometimes physical bodies, like in 1940’s for slavery. The question is why English people where in Burma? The British were all over South Africa and a big part of Asia that period. Gandhi was against the English colonialism and we can see that from a part of his work. He tried to say to British † it is time for you to leave†. That is important to understand in â€Å"Shooting an Elephant†. George Orwell is writing to speak ironically about the experience he had. Orwell was looking back on it and wanted to share it with everyone, to show why imperialism is bad for societies. That is the reason he wrote â€Å"Shooting an Elephant†. Again what is really important in this story is Orwell’s great fear to get laughed at. This is the moment in the story when Orwell finally is able to kind of decpnstruct the mythology of imperialismand he talks about what is one thing that cannot happen if you are the person in charge. He points out who really has the power in imperialism, even if the elephant was not causing danger to anyone, and even if he was the police officer. The peer pressure from the people is coming out of the fear of their government. People with power will always face peer pressure and do something that they did not want to do like George Orwell in this particular situation. Sometimes the people in charge do not have the real power but they work only from peer pressure. In conclusion, for me in a world that is constantly trying to make you something different and something you do not want to be , is a great accomplishment to be yourself. The way in which George Orwell operated is as a dramatic and moving allegory of the imperialistic experience. The author actually discusses the shooting of the elephant, pointing out in a horrific detail the painful and slow death of a peaceful elephant by a British officer. This essay actually captures the violent reality of imperialism and colonialization. The life of an imperial police officer would be really hard. Orwell was brave enough to confess this experience and dilemmas when other people just accept it and become a part of it. CITATIONS: Lucideyproduction, . â€Å"Imperialism in the 20th Century. xomba. (2006): 1. Web. 12 Mar. 2013. http://lucideyeproduction. xomba. com/imperialism_in_the_20th_century. Lenin, Vladimir. â€Å"imperialism quotes. † Brainy Quote. (1982): 1. Web. 12 Mar. 2013. http://www. brainyquote. com/quotes/keywords/imperialism. html. Porter, Bernard. â€Å"British and American Imperialism’s Compared . † History New Network. (2006): 11. Web. 12 Mar. 2013. http://hnn. us/articles/27021. html Readings, Lit. â€Å"Shooting An Elephant by George Orwell. † Youtube. (2013): 1. Web. 12 Mar. 2013. http://www. youtube. com/watch? v=6fyjO5M1Kvk. . How to cite Shooting an Elephant, Papers Shooting an Elephant Free Essays The narrator does not necessarily lie the locals in lower Burma but he was sent their to police them. The reason why he does not like the locals too much is because they hate him with a passion. The narrator is put in a position in which he greatly dislikes. We will write a custom essay sample on Shooting an Elephant or any similar topic only for you Order Now He was sent there by the British government as to help imperialize the country. He does not like imperialism, which in turn makes him hate his job. His mind favors with the locals when the subject is imperialism, that it is taking advantage of a group of people to an extreme extent. The reason why the narrator can not sympathize with the native indians is because he is seen by them to be working with imperial Britain, which he is, but does not want to do so. The native taunt and laugh at him because the sense no real fear from him. The narrator eventually shoots the elephant because he feels that he is pressured to do so. He did not want to shoot the elephant but he had a crowd of over two thousand local indians waiting to see him shoot the elephant that had terrorized the local town. He feels that is wrong to kill a large animal because they are like â€Å"huge costly pieces of machinery†. Killing it would be throwing the owners money away. The confession that the narrator states in the end does not surprise me one bit. I did not even view it as a confession. He did what he had to in the situation that was given. He did not want to kill the elephant but he was basically forced to do so. The narrator was looking for a reasonable answer for firing the elephant gun for his own sanity. The thesis of â€Å"shooting an elephant† is in its name. Shooting an elephant is an analogy for imperialism. One smaller country taking down a bigger yet weaker country only for its resources or to make a buck. This essay also shows that imperialism affects the oppressed as well as the oppressor. Because of imperialisms immoral relationship of power, it compels the oppressor to act immorally to keep up the appearance that he is right. The most memorable image throughout the entire essay is right before the narrator realizes that he has no choice but to shoot the elephant. He sees the elephant tearing up grass from the earth, shaking off the dirt by hitting the grass against his knees, and eating it. The elephant is finally peaceful before he is shot down. How to cite Shooting an Elephant, Essay examples

Micro/Macro Sociology free essay sample

The term macro denotes large; thus macrosociology refers to the study of large-scale social phenomena. This covers a very broad range of topics that includes groups and collectivities of varying sizes, the major organizations and institutions of one or more societies, cross-sectional or historical studies of a single society, and both comparative and historical analyses of multiple societies. At the grandest level it may cover all human society and history. Sociologists distinguish macrosociology from microsociology, which focuses on the social activities of individuals and small groups. The micro-macro distinction forms one of the central dualisms characterizing divergent sociological perspectives. Seemingly polar opposites such as conflict-consensus, stability-change, structure-agency, subjectiveobjective, and materialist-idealist, as well as micro-macro, provide a shorthand method for denoting differences in central assumptions, subjects, and models. As with many other oppositional concepts, however, the boundary between microsociology and macrosociology is not clearly distinguished, and at the margins there is much room for overlap. Typically, micro-level studies examine individual thought, action, and interaction, often coinciding with social-psychological theories and models, whereas macro-level investigations target social structures and those forces that organize as well as divide individuals into political, social or religious organizations, ethnic populations, communities, and nation-states. Nevertheless, in defining these terms there is major conceptual ambiguity that can be formulated as a question: Should the distinction be based on substantive criteria (specialty and subdisciplinary areas within sociology such as social change and development), theoretical criteria (e. g. , functionalist, Marxist), metatheoretical criteria (type of paradigm, epistemology), or methodological criteria (type of research design and analysis techniques)? Since sociologists often use the terms micro and macro quite casually as convenient devices for categorizing broad areas of theory and research, each of these criteria can be found in the literature, and quite often they are seriously confounded. A useful means of distinguishing between the two approaches is based on the concept of units of analysis. Macrosociology uses as its subjects structural-level units of analysis or cases that are larger than observations of individual action and interaction. Even here, however, there is ambiguity, since it is quite possible to make observations on smaller units (e. g. , individuals) with the intention of analyzing (making inferences about) larger entities (e. g. , groups, classes). Also, the issue of where to draw the line remains. Rather than attempting to draw any hard-and-fast line delineating macro-level from micro-level phenomena, it is helpful to conceptualize a continuum of the subject matter of sociology with micro and macro defining two end points and with societal-level phenomena clearly placed at the macro pole. George Ritzer, for example, describes one level of social reality as a micro-macro continuum moving from individual thought and action through interaction, groups, organizations, and societies to culminate in world systems (Ritzer 1988, pp. 512-518). Since the macro end of the continuum focuses on social structure, it is important to clarify the use of this term. In a review essay, Neil Smelser (1988, pp. 103-129) describes structure as patterned relationships that emerge from the interaction of individuals or groups over time and space. Institutions and identifiable collectivities are the outcomes of systematically related structures of activities. Structure is dually defined as located in collective actors and in their interaction. Thus social class is an example of social structure, as are the relationships between classes whose locus is the economy. The study of social class and the study of the economy are examples of macrosociology. Other examples emerge from the macrosociological focus on large-scale structural arrangements and activities of a great number of individuals in large-scale geographical space over long periods of time. Thus macroscopic questions in sociology conventionally revolve around the largest social, spatial, and temporal processes, such as the rise and decline of civilizations; the origins and development of modern nation-states, social movements, and revolutions; and the origins and consequences of social, political, economic, and cultural transformations. Examples include the rise and spread of secular ideologies and religious belief systems, democratic transitions, and the nature and effects of large-scale institutions and organizations. Macro-level analysis is usually embedded in structural and conflict theories, and in studies of societal dynamics and epochal transformations of cultures and social structures. Topics are located within numerous subfields of sociology, including but not limited to stratification and inequality, resource mobilization, political and economic sociology, world systems, human evolution, and ecology. They are equally likely to cross or link disciplinary boundaries to incorporate history, geography, political economy, and anthropology. Historical Background The concern with macro-level phenomena is as old as the discipline of sociology and arguably is the primary motivation for the creation of classical sociological theory and research. The men generally accorded honored places in the pantheon of sociologys founders, such as Auguste Comte, Herbert Spencer, Karl Marx, Emile Durkheim, and Max Weber (and additional historical figures such as Alexis de Tocqueville), all included macro-level phenomena among their dominant concerns. The traditions they established retain their definitive role for the central issues of sociology in general and macrosociology in particular. The themes pursued by these and other classical theorists are found in subsequent theory and research. For example, the evolutionary perspectives on the development of human society advanced by early theorists have been modified, revised, and developed by contemporary evolutionary theorists such as Lenski (Lenski et al. 995) and in the modern functionalist and neo-functionalist theories of Talcott Parsons (1966), Niklas Luhmann (1982), and Jeffrey Alexander (1998). Marxs historical materialist explanation of the unfolding of capitalism has spawned numerous offspring, including dependency and world system theories (Amin 1976; Frank 1967; Wallerstein 1974), and studies of the rise of the modern state and class conflict by Moore (1966). Similarly, Webers comparative and historical studies of social stratification and the development of modern states are reflected in the works of Reinhard Bendix (1977; 1978), Theda Skocpol (1979) and Michael Mann (1986; 1993) Emile Durkheims analysis of the division of labor in modern societies as well as the sources of societal integration underlie all modernization theory and functional perspectives on race and ethnic relations, as well as most contemporary studies of occupational structures. Alexis de Tocquevilles comparative study of democracy has remained an inspirational source for contemporary theories of democracy and social change. In short, the macrosociological problems defined early in the history of sociology remain major focuses of current sociological research. Also located in these early works but often overlooked in subsequent interpretations is an issue that is the current central project of many social theorists: the links between macro- and micro-level phenomena. At least in the writings of Marx, Weber, and Durkheim, to a greater or lesser degree, efforts are made to connect individual and structural level activities in some coherent fashion. For example, Marx is often considered the quintessential macrosociologist, providing the foundation for much current macrosociology. Yet as Bertell Ollman (1976) and others point out, there is a distinct social psychology anchored in Marxs concept of alienation that in turn motivates and is motivated by his macro-level modes of productive relations and class conflict. This concern with linkage has often been ignored or forgotten in the distinctive development of different schools of sociological thought. After years of separate development and sometimes acrimonious debate, efforts to conduct research and develop social theories that include both ends of the micro-macro continuum now constitute a major agenda for many sociologists. Themes in Macrosociological Theory and Research Macrosociogical studies vary in both subject and theoretical orientation, but the two are closely related. For example, large-scale studies of single total societies or particular societal institutions often operate from a functionalist or systems perspective in which the effort is to understand how component parts fit together and serve larger social goals. On the other hand, studies of social change, either within a single society or across cultures, more often use one of the many variants of conflictMarxist, neo-Marxist, and Weberian perspectives. They do so because such theories are better equipped to explain conflict and change than the relatively static models promoted by functionalism, and because functionalism no longer dominates sociology. These are broad generalizations, however, which invite counterexample. Given the sweeping scope of macrosociology, it is not possible to provide comprehensive coverage of all the topics and theories subsumed under this approach. The next section will illustrate key concerns of macrosociologists by describing exemplary theory and research in some major areas of macrosociology. Societal Evolutionary Change. The numerous approaches to the study of societal change illustrate the diversity of sociological perspectives. At the most sweeping level, evolutionary theories take all human history and society as their subject, but there are numerous variants to this approach. For example, evolutionary theory has gone hand in hand with functionalism, as in the later work of Talcott Parsons on human societies (1966), which features the basic assumptions of evolutionary theory in terms of holism (the whole unit rather than its parts), universalism (natural and perpetual change), and unidirectionality (progressive and cumulative change). An idealist version of an evolutionary perspective can be found in Jurgen Habermas (1979), who uses an evolutionary model to explain the development of normative structures and forms of rationality. Alternatively, it has also taken a materialist form, as developed by anthropologists (Harris 1977) and a few sociologists (Lenski, 1966, Lenski et al. 1995), to explain inequality and uneven distribution of social resources. Another version of societal evolutionary change that deviates somewhat from the mainstream of progressive evolution are the cyclical dynamics of societal and cultural change proposed in works of Pitirim Sorokin (1962). Evolutionary analysis also was once popular in the fields of human ecology (Hawley 1971), modernization (Smelser 1964), and structural and cultural assimilation of different racial groups in modern society (Gordon 1964). Currently, there are relatively few sociologists who operate on this scale or who find it useful for analyzing more confined periods of historical change. Nevertheless, contemporary theories of human evolution have been influential in providing comparative evidence for the material and normative bases of different forms of social organization and for describing the broadest patterns of societal change. These include the distribution of societal goods and services, enduring forms of inequality (e. g. , patriarchy), and normative systems. Modernization and Development. Sociologists often limit their study of change to the emergence of modern industrial society, either to trace the paths taken by mature industrialized societies to reach their current state of development or to investigate the problems of developing nations. Here, too, different approaches emerge from different theoretical perspectives. Modernization theory, which until the 1960s dominated accounts of development and change, grew out of functionalism and evolutionary perspectives. In the version articulated by economist W. W. Rostow (1960), nonindustrial societies, through diffusion and a natural developmental sequence, were expected to follow a series of stages previously traversed by fully industrialized nations to attain the significant characteristics of modern societies considered prerequisites for development. This process required breaking from traditional social norms and values to build institutions based on modern values such as universalism, rationalization, and achievement orientation. Although today largely abandoned in favor of more historically and materially grounded theories, modernization theory was highly influential among both scholars and policy makers of the post-World War II era. In fact, it can be argued that the influence of modernization theory in part explains its repudiation, since students of and from emerging developing nations viewed it as an instrument of continued colonial domination and capitalist exploitation. Their search for tools to provide a better explanation for their disadvantaged and subordinate position in the international arena led to the adoption of Marxist-based models of dependency, underdevelopment, and world systems to replace modernization as the dominant approach to change and development within the modern era. As summarized by Peter Evans and John Stephens (1988, p. 740), these approaches turned the modernization theorists emphasis on diffusion . . . n its head, arguing instead that ties to core countries were a principal impediment to development. In an influential early formulation, dependency theorist Andre Gunder Frank (1967) maintained that the experience of most nonindustrial nations is explained by the development of underdevelopment. In other words, the exploitation of peripheral Third World nations by capital in the core, developed world increased the economic, social, and political misery experienced by the majority populations of those Third World countries. Alliances between local and international elites actively worked to defend the status quo distribution of power and privilege at the expense of peasant- and working-class majorities. Later versions refined the models of class conflict and competition or, as in the writings of Samir Amin (1976), elaborated the model of the relationships between center and periphery economies to show how underdevelopment grows out of the exploitive links between the two types of systems. All versions contribute to a refutation of the trajectory of development described by modernization theory. A more global approach to development issues was formulated by Immanuel Wallerstein (1974, 1980, 1988) and his followers. World system theory elaborates the Marxist model of economic domination into a system in which exploitation occurs worldwide. Wallerstein broadens the focus on class relations among and across nations to examine the development of an international division of labor in the capitalist world economy where core industrial nations exploit peripheral regions as sources of raw materials and labor. This approach has been both enormously influential and controversial, generating massive amounts of research on the model itself, particular spatial and historical portions of the world system, and particular subsectors and groups. A helpful overview that charts the intricacies of this perspective can be found in a text by Thomas Shannon (1989). The emphasis on First World as well as Third World development found in world-system theory provides a bridge to a slightly different tradition that focuses on the emergence of the core industrial nations and their political systems. Much of this literature is concerned with development of modern political as well as economic systems. For example, while Barrington Moores study (1966) of the transformation of agrarian societies into modern industrial states remains firmly anchored in a Marxist emphasis on class relations and productive systems, it is also concerned with the political roles played by antagonistic classes and the political outcomes of their confrontation. Numerous other studies pursue a similar comparative perspective on the upheavals that accompanied the emergence of modern Western industrial nations (cf. Tilly et al. 1975). One other type of study in this tradition deserves mention. These are studies of social and political change that occur within a particular society at various stages in the industrialization process. John Walton (1987) provides a convenient typology based on cross-classifying epochs and processes of industrialization. The resulting types range from protoindustrialization through deindustrialzation. Studies from early periods focus on the emergence of particular classes, on class conflict, and on the influence of classes on the historical development of modern nations, as in E. P. Thompsons and John Fosters influential accounts of English class formation (Thompson 1963; Foster 1974), Ron Aminzades analysis of nineteenth-century France (1984), and Herbert Gutmans studies of American class culture and conflict (1966). Influential studies of transitions in later periods of industrial development examine the consolidation of control of the labor process (Burawoy 1979; Edwards 1979), deindustrialization (Bluestone and Harrison 1982), informalization of labor markets (Portes et al. 989), and post-Fordist production systems (Mingione 1991). Finally, while beyond the scope of this review, there are also other important traditions that have strong links to one or the other approaches described above. One of these is found in a vast literature on social movements that has many points of intersection with the work on comparative and historical social and political change discussed here. Another is work that applies the theories of dependency and uneven development to regional development problems internal to particular societies. Finally, there are structural and poststructural approaches to the development of major social institutions and forms of repression, as found in the complex but influential work of Michel Foucault (1979, 1980, 1985). While this last example could as easily be classified under studies of social institutions and processes, it is included here because of its focus on changes in historical times that have produced modern social forms. State Formation and State Breakdown. The study of state formation and state breakdown has always been a central focus of macrosocial inquiry, especially in the area of comparative historical sociology. Studies of state formation examine the nature of state power and the processes by which it develops. While some sociologists have seen the state as emerging from internal dynamics of society, largely in terms of the interests and struggles of social classes, others have turned their attention to the external dynamics of society along with the market forces of the capitalist system. Tilly (1975, 1990) demonstrates that the modern states were created in the process of capital concentration and consolidated under the pressure of increased international military competition (war and preparation for war). Michael Mann (1986, 1993) examines the nature of power in human societies by focusing on the interrelations of four principal sources of social powereconomic, ideological, military, and political resourcesand relates them to the rise of city-states, militaristic empires, modern nation-states, and nationalism. Another important theory on the relations between the state and society is Robert Wuthnows (1989) analysis of how conflicts between the state, elites, and cultural entrepreneurs caused the great ideological movements to challenge the status quo in the development of modern society. Contemporary theory of revolution and state breakdown starts with Barrington Moore (1966) who proposed a model of agrarian class politics. Drawing upon both Marxian and Weberian theoretical perspectives, Skocpols (1979) breakthrough analysis introduced the state-centered theoretical paradigm of revolution in her case study of French, Russian, and Chinese revolutions. Treating the state as an autonomous entity, Skocpol argues that the state has its own military and fiscal interests, and that under certain circumstances, state interests necessarily are in deep conflict with the interests of social classes. State breakdown occurs when the state experiences high levels of fiscal crisis induced by strain on resources from both internal elite conflicts and external military pressure. In Skocpols theory, the state thus becomes the central actor and the location of crisis in revolutionary situations. This state-centered theme developed by Skocpol has been further expanded by Goldstone (1991), who uses a structural-demographic approach to indicate that the early modern boom in population led to strain on state resources associated with the taxation system and economic development. Goldstone argues that in a system tied to agricultural output, the agrarian state depends mainly on land taxes for revenue. As growing population places pressure on the agricultural economy, rising grain prices result in inflation that erodes state revenues, leads to higher taxes, and exacerbates elite conflict. Rising prices generate profits for some elites who are quick to take advantage of commercial opportunities, but hurts other elites who are slow to adjust and lag behind in social mobility. Revolution is the ultimate outcome of the states failure to meet its obligations. While Skocpols and Goldstones models emphasize either structural or demographic sources of strain on the state, interest in geopolitical principles and strains became increasingly prominent during the 1980s, inspired by Paul Kennedys analysis (1987) of the rise and fall of great powers. Randall Collinss geopolitical theory (1986, 1995) offers another route to state breakdown. Bringing in the Weberian principle that legitimacy of the governing apparatus at home depends on the states power and prestige abroad, Collinss analysis, given validation by his prediction of the collapse of the Soviet Union, demonstrates that a states geopolitical position has a crucial effect on its ability to mobilize critical resources and manage internal politics. In Collinss model, geopolitical strains result in inability to maintain fiscal health. A state that suffers the geopolitical disadvantage of being surrounded by multiple enemy states experiences logistical overextension and fiscal crisis, and thus tends to decline and disintegrate to the point of revolution and state fragmentation. Social Structures, Processes, and Institutions. The research described above incorporates investigation of many of the major social structures, processes, and institutions that form the core subject matter of sociology. Studying change in economic and political systems requires scrutiny of economies, polities, and other social institutions and their major organizational manifestations and constituencies. However, other theoretical and substantive approaches subsumed under macrosociology either have fallen outside the scope of these large-scale studies of social change and development or are at their periphery. Theoretical perspectives include relatively recent developments such as structural, poststructural, postmodern, and feminist theories. Important substantive areas are defined by cumulating empirical bases of knowledge about power structures; work structures; social stratification and mobility; labor markets; household and family arrangements; and the intersections of race, class, gender, and nationality. While it is impossible to survey each of these areas, the explosive growth of feminist theories to investigate both gender stratification and economic change and development provides a prime example of new influences on macrosociology. Feminist theorists argue that gender analysis must be integrated with class, race, ethnicity, nationality, and other sources of social cleavage, and that analyses that ignore the system of gender relations embedded in society are incomplete. Feminist theories have contributed to macrosociology by demonstrating how theories of social reproduction must be joined to theories of economic production to understand social life fully, thus delineating the ways patriarchy coexists with particular economic and political systems to explain the position of women in society. For example, the subordination of women is predicated on the allocation of tasks that exist outside formal labor markets such as household and reproductive labor and consumption activities as well as labor market work. Heidi Hartmanns early, influential, socialist feminist analysis of the intersection of capitalism and patriarchy (1981) explains womens disadvantaged status in both the labor market and the household in late capitalism as the outcome of an uneasy alliance between the two systems. With increasing demand for womens labor in the second half of the twentieth century, the intersection of the two systems has taken the form of the double and even the triple daythat is, women burdened by responsibility for formal labor market activity; household work; and, frequently, informal work as well. Similar insights from feminist perspectives have informed studies of developing nations and processes of industrialization and globalization. For example, Ester Boserups critique of conventional development theories (1970) demonstrates the pitfalls for development projects resulting from ignoring women, as well as the ways women have been marginalized by development scholars and practitioners. Numerous feminist scholars have built on this and related work, combining it with other theoretical perspectives such as world systems and globalization theories, to expand knowledge of the gendered social consequences of core nation exploitation of the periphery (Ward 1990) and the general pattern of ignoring women in large-scale societal accounting schemes (Beneria 1981). Postcolonial theories and Third World feminism further explore the intersections of race, class, and gender as they influence different populations in the global economy (Alexander and Mohanty 1997) Finally, the historical research of Louise Tilly and Joan Scott (1978), among others, has been important in an understanding of how the shift from household economies to wage labor affected working-class women and their families. Unfortunately, much of this work remains underutilized and unincorporated in the kind of macro-level analyses reviewed in previous sections, representing parallel developments rather than integrated studies of macrosocial processes. Research Methodology of Macrosocial Inquiry In the past decades, research methodology in macrosociology has been widely discussed among sociologists. Both quantitative and qualitative methods are used extensively, often in the same larger study. Virtually any methodological tool available to social science is found in macrosocial analysis, ranging from survey research to hermeneutic inquiry. Quantitative approaches include quantification of documentary and archival data, such as analysis of the lists of grievances, or cahiers de doleances (Markoff 1996); analysis of official socioeconomic, demographic, and political data aggregated for larger geopolitical units such as counties, states, or nations; time series of such data for a single state or nation; and standard survey research techniques interpreted to represent structural and contextual process (Coleman et al. 970). Trend analysis using survey data is one method frequently used by sociologists to establish long-term patterns of change by examining historical change in statistical data. Quantitative methods that use longitudinal designs of panel and cohort analyses to conduct observations at two or more points in time have been extensively employed in the assessment of social change and development at the local, national, and global levels. Historical and comparative methods are featured prominently in macrosociological analysis and have been consistently used by the most prominent classical and contemporary sociologists. This approach develops ideal-typical case studies of large-scale organizations, nations, and civilizations across time and space. Thus, social and cultural differences manifest in temporal processes and contexts are the focal point of macrohistorical studies that, as Skocpol (1984, p. ) summarizes: (1) address processes over time, and take temporal sequences seriously in accounting for outcomes, (2) attend to the interplay of meaningful actions and structural contexts in order to make sense of the unfolding of unintended as well as intended outcomes in individual lives and social transformations, and (3) highlight the particular and varying features of specific kinds of social structures and patterns of change. In the existing literature on macrosociological research, historical and comparative methods, with their focus on case studies devoted to understanding the nature and effects of large-scale structures and fundamental processes of change, have proven to be an effective approach to macrosociological explanations of macrosocial phenomena. While most historical and comparative research still involves qualitative analyses using available documents and records, more and more research attempts to employ both qualitative and quantitative approaches. In advocating moving beyond qualitative and quantitative strategies Charles Ragin (1987) points out that, in macrosociological analysis, there are two basic strategies: the case-oriented strategy and the variable-oriented strategy. The former is very much evidence oriented, while the latter is theory centered. The goals of case-oriented investigation, with its extensive use of ideal types, often are both historically interpretive and causally analytic. Investigators who used case-oriented strategies often want to understand or interpret specific cases because of their intrinsic values (Ragin 1987, p. 5). Work by Bendix (1977, 1978) exemplifies this approach. Unlike the case-oriented strategy, the variable-oriented strategy tests hypotheses derived from theory, often using quantitative techniques such as multivariate statistical analysis. In macrosocial analysis, a typical variable-oriented study examines relationships between general features of social structures conceived as variabl es. Social units, such as nation-states, have structural features which interact in the sense that changes in some features produce changes in other features, which in turn may produce changes in others (Ragin 1987, p. 5). For example, a cross-national study of modernization by Delacroix and Ragin (1978) is a typical example of variable-oriented research, and this approach has remained quite popular in the study of development issues as well as in macro-level studies of organizations. Each of these two strategies has its strengths and weaknesses. The case-oriented research enables investigators to comprehend diversity and address complexity by examining causal processes more directly in historical and comparative context. In variable-oriented research, by contrast, generality is given precedence over complexity when investigators are able to digest large numbers of cases. In some macrosociological studies, scholars combine the two approaches, as in Jeffrey Paiges Agrarian Revolution (1975). The Future of Macrosociology Macroscopic analysis of human society stands as a foundational area of research in sociology, and it is safe to predict that it will continue to grow and expand its scope of inquiry. In an increasingly global economy, marked by shifting boundaries and allegiances, and linked by rapidly advancing communications and information technology, there will be pressing need for explanation and analysis of the major historical and contemporary social movements and upheavals. Events of state formation, transition, and breakdown; revolution and devolution; conflicts based on gender, race, ethnicity, religion, region, and class; global movements of populations; and numerous other large-scale processes that increasingly mark the post-cold war era will provide the raw materials for scholarly and policy relevant analysis. At the same time, in the interests of advancing social theory, sociologists will continue to seek ways to link macroprocesses to microprocesses. One of the perennial debates that surfaces among sociologists is whether macroprocesses or microprocesses have primacy in explaining social life. A variant revolves around the issue of whether microprocesses can be derived from macroprocesses or vice versa. Those who believe that the macro has causal priority risk being labeled structural determinists. Those who think that macrophenomena can be derived from microprocesses are dismissed as reductionists. Quite often an uneasy truce prevails in which practitioners of the two types of sociology go their own ways, with little interaction or mutual influence. Despite pendulum swings that alternately emphasize one approach over the other, there are ongoing efforts to construct theory and conduct research built on genuine principles of micro-macro linkage. These have come form a variety of theoretical traditions and perspectives, including those with both macro and micro foundations. While many of these efforts ultimately result in de facto claims for theoretical primacy of one or the other approach, they nonetheless represent an interesting effort to create uniform and widely applicable sociological theory (Huber 1991). Ultimately, most of the efforts to integrate micro and macro levels reflect the initial concerns of the theorist. For example, Randall Collinss efforts (1998) begin with a microfocus on interaction to derive macrophenomena, while neofunctionalist Jeffrey Alexander (1985) gives primacy to subjective forms of macrophenomena. Perhaps the most highly developed integrative effort is found in Anthony Giddenss theory of structuration (1984) in which social structure is defined as both constraining and enabling human activity, as well as being both internal and external to the actor. The efforts to link microphenomena and macrophenomena are mirrored in a growing body of empirical research. Such work appears to follow Giddenss view of the constraining and enabling nature of social structure for human activity and the need to link structure and action. It appears safe to say that, while macrosociology will always remain a central component of sociological theory and research, increasing effort will be devoted to creating workable models that link it with its micro counterpart. References Alexander, M. 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